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[文化资讯] 纪念红军长征胜利81周年原版英语著作《红星照耀中国》翻译,解析和导读

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发表于 2016-10-24 15:29 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-18 21:43 编辑

                                                                                 EDGAR SNOW
                                           RED STAR
                                OVER CHINA

                                                                                                       Revised and Enlarged
                                                                                                              Edition


                          红星照耀中国

                                                                                                               修改增补版

                                         美国著名作家:埃德加﹒斯 诺
                                         中文翻译,解析和导读:余震南      

 楼主| 发表于 2016-10-25 20:15 | 显示全部楼层
锋尚装饰
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-18 15:40 编辑

                                                                                                PELICAN BOOKS
                                                                                         RED STAR OVER CHINA  

        Edgar Snow was a native of Missouri who went to the Far East when he was twenty—two. Before writing Red Star over China he had made his home in China for seven years, studied the country and the language, and lectured at YenChing University, where his friends included students who are among China’s leaders today. In Asia he worked for the Chicago Tribune, the New York Sun, the New York Herald Tribune, and the London Daily Herald. During the Second World War he was associate editor and war correspondent of the Saturday Evening Post, and in the post-war era he became the Post’s widely quoted specialist on China, India, and the U.S.S.R. He was the author of several books which include The Battle for Asia, people on our side, Journey to the beginning, and Red China Today: The other side of the River. Edgar Snow died in 1971.

                                                                                                          鹈鹕图书
                                            红星照耀中国


    埃德加•斯 诺,美国密苏里州人,22岁便来到远东地区。他写红星照耀中国之前已经在中国生活了7年,认知中国,学习汉语并在燕京大学讲课。斯 诺在燕京大学的同学中有不少成为了当今中国领导人物。他在亚洲为芝加哥论坛报、纽约论坛报和伦敦每日先锋报工作。第二次世界大战期间做了星期六晚邮报的助理编辑以及战地记者。战后斯 诺在晚邮报的报道最为广泛地被中国、印度和苏联引用。斯 诺也写了很多部书籍,其中包括《亚洲战事》,《站在我们一边的人民》,《向着始发地的旅行》,《今日红色中国》以及《河岸的另一边》。埃德加•斯 诺于1971年逝世。
  



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 楼主| 发表于 2016-10-26 09:38 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-19 16:40 编辑

                                                                                                  Introduction
                                                                                        By Dr John K. Fairbank

         Red Star over China is a classic because of the way in which it was produced. Edgar Snow was just thirty and had spent seven years in China as a journalist. In 1936 the Chinese Communists had just completed their successful escape from South—East China to the North—West, and were embarking upon their united—front tactic. They were ready to tell their story to outside world. Snow had the capacity to report it. Readers of the book today should be aware of this combination of factors.
        Edgar Snow was born in Kansas City in 1905, his forebears having moved westward by degrees from North Carolina to Kentucky and then into Kansas Territory. In 1928 he started around the world. He reached ShangHai, became a journalist, and did not leave the Far East for thirteen years. Before he made his trip to report the Chinese Communists, he had toured through famine districts in the North—West, traversed the route of the Burma Road ten years before it was operating, reported the undeclared war at ShangHai in 1932, and became a friend of Mme Sun and had met numerous Chinese intellectuals and writers. Settling in Peking in 1932, he and his wife lived near YenChing University, one of the leading Christian colleges which had been built up under American missionary auspices. As energetic and wide—awake young Americans, the Snows had become widely acquainted with the Chinese student movement against Japanese aggression in late 1935. They had studied Chinese and developed a modest fluency in speaking. In addition to publishing his account of the Japanese aggression, Far Eastern Front, Edgar Snow had also edited a collection of translations of modern Chinese short stories, living China.
         Thus in the period when the Japanese expansion over Manchuria and into North China dominated the headlines, this young American had not only reported the events of the day but had got behind them into some contact with the minds and feelings of Chinese patriotic youth. He had proved himself a young man of broad human sympathy, aware of the revolutionary stirrings among China’s intellectuals, and able to meet them with some elementary activist, ready to encourage worthy causes rather than be a purely passive spectator. Most of all, he had proved himself a zealous factual reporter. Most of all, he had proved himself a zealous factual reporter, able to appraise the major trends of the day and describe them in vivid color for the American reading public.
          In 1936 he stood on the western frontier of the American expansion across the Pacific towards Asia, which had reached its height after a full century of American commercial, diplomatic, American contact with the treaty ports, where foreigners still retained their special privileges. Missionaries had inspired and aided the first efforts at modernization. In the early 1930s American foundations and missionaries both were active in the movement for ‘rural reconstruction’, the remarking of village life through the application of scientific technology to the problems of the land. At the same time, Chinese students trained in the United States and other Western countries stood in the forefront of those modern patriots who were becoming increasingly determined to resist Japanese aggression at all costs. Western-type nationalism thus joint Western technology as a modern force in the Chinese scene, and both had been stimulated by the American contact.
          Despite all these developments, however, the grievous problems of China’s peasant villages had only begun to be attacked under the aegis of the new Nationalist Government at NanKing. Harassed by Japanese aggression, Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang were absorbed in a defense effort which centered in the coastal treaty ports and lower YangTze provinces, with little thought or motive for revolutionary change in the rural countryside. Meanwhile, in 1936, the Chinese Communists were known generally as ‘Red bandits’ and no Western observer had direct contact with their leadership or reported it to the outside world. With the hindsight of a third of a century, it may seem to us now almost incredible that so little could have been known about Mao Tsetung and the movement which he headed. The Chinese Communist Party had a history of fifteen years when Edgar Snow journeyed to its headquarters, but the disaster which had overtaken it in the 1920s had left it in a precarious state of weakness.
          When he set out for the blocked Red area in the North—West in June 1936, with an introduction from Mme Sun Yat-sen, he had an insight into Chinese conditions and the sentiments of perceiving the powerful appeal which the Chinese Communist movement was still in the process of developing. Through the good will of the Manchurian army forces at Sian, who were psychologically prepared for some kind of united front with the communists, Snow was able to cross the lines, reach the communists, Snow was able to cross the lines, reach the Communists capital, then at Pao An(even further in the North—West than the later capital at Yenan), and meet Mao Tse-tung just at the time when Mao was prepared to put himself on record.
          Snow came out of the blocked Red area in October 1936, after spending four months there and taking down Mao-Tse-tung’s own story of his life as a revolutionist. He gave his eye-opening story to the press in articles, and finished Red Star over China on the basis of his notes in July 1937.
          The remarkable thing about Red Star over China was that it not only gave the first connected history of Mao and his colleagues and where they had come from, but it also gave a prospect of the future of this little—known movement which was to prove disastrously prophetic. It is very much to the credit of Edgar Snow that this book has stood the test of time on both these counts—as a historical record and as an indication of a trend.


                                                                                                      作品介绍
                                      由约翰·费尔班克博士撰稿
    《红星照耀中国》因其创作方式之独特成为了一部经典。当时埃德加·斯 诺刚刚30岁却作为一名记者已在中国生活了5年。1936年中国共产党领导的红军刚刚胜利完成了为实现抗日统一战线由东南向西北的战略大转移。他们已做好了向世界宣传长征的准备。斯 诺有这样的报道能力,当今的读者理应知道这些整合起来的方方面面的事。
    埃德加·斯 诺出生于1905年美国的堪萨斯城。他的祖先在西进运动中逐步从北卡罗莱那移居到肯德基又从肯德基移居到了堪萨斯。1928年斯 诺开始了世界之旅。他来到上海成为一名新闻记者,之后13年都没有离开过远东地区。斯 诺成行去报道中国共产党之前曾经穿越过大西北的饥荒区,在滇缅公路完工前十年就跋涉了那一带。他还报道了1932年上海的不宣而战,成为宋庆龄的朋友也会见了许多中国知识分子以及作家。1932年斯 诺在北京定居,他和妻子居住于燕京大学附近。燕京大学是一所由美国传教士资助的在中国占据引领地位的教会学院。作为一名精力充沛的觉醒的美国人,斯 诺对1935年中国学生抗日救亡运动广为了解。斯 诺夫妇学习了中文,能较为流利地用中文讲话。在中国生活期间,斯 诺除了发布日军侵华报道和远东前线报道以外还编辑翻译了一系列中国现代短篇故事。
     那一时期关于日本在满洲和华北军事扩张之报道占满了各类报刊的标题。这名美国青年不仅报道当初时事也深入幕后接触中国爱国青年的思想情感。**证明了自己是一名具有广泛人类同情心的年轻人。他了解中国知识份子的革命动机,能同其间的一些积极分子会面,鼓励其中有价值的事业而并非只被动当当听众。最重要的在于,他证实了自己是一名尊重事实的热心报道者,能够判断出时下中国之主要社会倾向并以生动语言向美国国内读者展现。
    1936年斯 诺站在美国亚太西进扩张的最前沿。美利坚经过一个世纪的商务和外交行为,这一扩张已达到高峰。该国同当时的中国国内通商口岸接触,外国人在那些口岸依旧享有特别权益。19世纪30年代初期,美国基金会和传教士团队正热衷于“农村现代化建设”,通过推广科学技术重建乡村生活解决本土矛盾。同时在欧美留学的中国学生也站在不顾一切日益坚定抵抗日本侵华之当代爱国青年的最前列。中国出现了西方民族主义形式和西方科技相结合的现代力量。这两个方面都通过同美国的接触得到了激化。
    尽管发生了这一切进展,南京国民党政府庇护之下中国农村农民的苦难又被进一步加深。日本侵华搅扰下,蒋介石以及国民党政权全力以赴防卫口岸地区和扬子江下游省份,很少想到农村地区的革命变化及革命动机。1936年期间中国共产党在总体上被认为是“红色匪寇”并没有西方观察家直接同他们的领袖接触,亦没有向世界报道他们。回想20世纪近前三分之一时间,难以置信的是人们对**知之甚少,对**领导的革命运动知之甚少。斯 诺走进其总部时,当时的中国共产党仅仅才有15年历史。然而19世纪20年代的大劫难给他们留下了难言之孱弱。
    1936年6月当斯 诺通过宋庆龄引荐启程去西北红色禁区时,他审视了中国国内形势,强烈地预感到中国的共产主义运动正在不断壮大过程之中。在西安东北军的善意之下,**被允许跨越禁区抵达保安。当时东北军正在心里酝酿着同共产党部队的某种抗日统一战线。保安坐落于后来红色首都延安之西北。斯 诺在**准备于历史上留下印迹之时同他见了面。
    1936年10月斯 诺走出了红色禁区。那四个月之内斯 诺记下了**作为一名革命家的故事。随后他在报纸上发布了令人大开眼界的故事,也根据纪录于1937年完成了《红星照耀中国》这部著作。
    《红星照耀中国》这部作品最为显著之处在于它不仅给出了**与其革命同志的第一手历史资料,而且还对当时不为人所知之革命运动其未来做出了令人震惊的准确预测。斯 诺的享誉在于这部作品不仅经历了历史的考验而不衰,还因其对历史动向的预示经久不衰。

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 楼主| 发表于 2016-10-26 09:38 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-19 20:44 编辑

                                                                                              Preface to the Revised Edition
        Travels andevents described in this book took place in 1936 and 1937 and the manuscript was completed in July 1937, to the sound of gunfire by Japanese Troops outside the walls of Peking, where I lived. Those gunsalso heralded the ultimate Communist victory in China which profoundly altered the balanced of power, both inside and outside what was formerly called ‘the Communist camp’
        In time and space this report concerned an isolated fighting force in an area far removed from the West on the eve of its greatest catastrophe. The League of Nations had been destroyed when it failed to halt Japan’sconquest of Manchuria in 1931-3. In 1936 theWestern ‘Allies’ permitted Hitler, still a cardboard Napoleon, to reoccupy the Rhineland without a fight. They impotently watched Mussolini seize Ethiopia.They then imposed an arms embargo against Spain under the hypocrisy of neutralism, which denied the Republic the means to defend itself against reactionary generals led by Franco, who had the open support of thousands ofimported Nazi and Fascist troops and planes. They thus encouraged Hitler and Mussolinito form an alliance ostensibly aimed at Russiabut clearly intended to subjugate all of Western Europe.In 1938 Hitler was allowed to subjugate all of Western Europe. In 1938 Hitler was allowed to swallow Austria. He wasthen rewarded, by Chamberlain and Daladier, with Czechoslovakia as the price of ‘peacein our time’. In compensation they soon received the Hitler-Stalin pact.
Such was the internationalenvironment of Chinawhen this journey was undertaken. Domestic conditions inside thatdisintegrating society are defined in the text. In 1936 I had already lived in China for sevenyears and I had, as a foreign correspondent, travelled widely and acquired someknowledge of the language. This was my longest piece of reportage on China. If ithad enjoyed a more useful life than most journalism it is because it was notonly a ‘scoop’ of perishable news but likewise of many facts of durablehistory. It won sympathetic attention also perhaps because it was a time whenthe Western powers, in self-interest, were hoping for a miracle in China. They dreamedof a new birth of nationalism that would keep Japan so bogged down that shewould never be able to turn upon the Western colonies—her true objectives. RedStar over Chinatended to show that the Chinese Communists could indeed provide thatnationalist leadership needed for effective anti-Japanese resistance. Howdramatically the United  States’ policy-** attitudes have alteredsince then is suggested by recalling that condensations of this reportoriginally appeared in the Saturday Evening Post and Life magazine.
        Other circumstances contributed to prolong the utility of this book. I had found MaoTse-tung and other leaders at an especially favorable moment, in a lull between long years of battle. They gave me a vast amount of their time, and with unprecedented frankness provided more personal and impersonal information than any one foreign scribe could fully absorb. After my second visit to see Mao Tse-tung,in 1939, all the Red bases in North-West China were blocked by national troops,in their rear, and cut off by Japanese occupation around the guerrilla areas. For another five years, while no foreign newsmen were able to reach Yenan, the Red capital, these reports remained a unique source.
        Much of this work is history seen from a partisan point of view, of course, but it ishistory as lived by the men and women who made it. It provide not only fornon-Chinese readers, but also for the entire Chinese people—including all butthe Communist leaders themselves—the first authentic account of the Chinese CommunistsParty and the first connected story of their long struggle to carry through the most thoroughgoing social revolution in China’s three millenniums of history. Manyeditions were published in China,and among the tens of thousands of copies of the Chinese translations some wereproduced entirely in guerrilla territory.
        I do not flatter myself that I had much to do with imparting to this volume such lessons of international application as may be drawn from it. For many pages I simply wrote down what I was told by the extraordinary young men and women with whomit was my privilege to live at the age of thirty, and from whom I learned(orhad the chance to learn) a great deal.
        In 1937, whenRed Star over China firstappeared, in England,there were practically no sources of documentation for most of the materialpresented here. Today many foreign China specialists—helped or led byChinese scholars of different political colorations—have produced dozens ofworks of varying importance and quality. With an abundance of now informationavailable, aided by my own and other’s wisdom of hindsight, many improvements mightbe made in the text to minimize its limitations—and yet deprived it of whateveroriginal value it may posses. Therefore it was my intention to leave it asfirst written except corrections of typographical errors and mistakes ofspelling or of factual detail. That hope has not proved wholly practicable anddepartures from its fulfillment are acknowledged below.
        Since the RedStar over China was completed under conditions of war I did not have the opportunity to see or correct galley proofs of the first edition. Nor have I been able to do so with subsequent editions until now. In extenuation for one kind of mistake: my handwritten field notes contained many names previously unknown to me, and Icould not always get them down in Chinese characters. Phonetic translationsinto English result in misspelling as judged by Wade-Giles standards. Thesehave now been (I hope) uniformly corrected.
        Aside from that kind of conformance I have widely altered former present-tense verbs to pasttense in order to eliminate many seeming anachronisms and make the story moreaccessible to contemporary readers. Where the book quotes or paraphrases thetestimony of others, the wording of the original text had generally beenpreserved—to avoid tampering with a priori history material—even when itconflicts with more believable information now available. In a few instanceswhere secondary material has been proved manifestly inaccurate I have cut orcorrected, rather than perpetuate known errors. In either case readers mayrefer to the Biographical Notes or the Notes to this edition to supplement ormodify some textual facts or opinions. Here and there (with a certain macabresense of looking backwards on myself) I have reworked lines which the passageof time—or murky writing in the first instance—has made unintelligible to me. Thegreat bulk of the volume, all the happenings, the main travel notes,interviews, and biographies—including Mao Tse-tung’s remain intact.
        Such libertiesas I have taken in shortening, condensing, or discarding tedious accounts of afew matters no longer of importance helped to make room for the chronology, andepilogue, new foot-notes, some heretofore unpublished documents, chaptercommentaries, and some fascinating lessons of history in the form of biographicalsequels to the early life stories of the truly extra ordinary people firstintroduced here. Cuts of paragraphs and even whole pages necessitated composingnew transitional passages. Such ‘spin-ins’ are confined to knowledge availableto me no later than 1937, and the same applies to page footnotes—but not to theend-of-book materials, of course.
        Doubtless thistome would not have suffered (and the reader would have profited) if I had omitted several whole chapters. Revision was not easy, and I dare say someoneless connected with the subject could have done it with less pain to himselfand with more grace for the reader.
        And so,salutations and thanks to all persons mentioned in this book for their help and permission to use their remarks and photographs, especially Mao Tse-tung; toJohn Fairbank, for taking one more look at these ancient spoor; to Peter J.Seybolt for a reappraisal against a background of far wider perspective than wecould know in the thirties; to Enrica Collotti Puschel, for pains-takingscholarship in translating into Italian and bringing up to date the 1965edition (Stella rossa sulla Cina.) which inspired this effort; and to MaryHeathcot, Trudie Schafer, and Lois Wheeler for assistance and encouragement ingeneral.
                                     Geneva, 14 February 1968  
                                                                                                                                                                                      EdgarSnow.
                                                                                                             修订版前言
    本书所描述的事件和旅途跋涉都发生在1936年和1937年。草稿1937年7月在日寇于北京城外的枪炮声中完工。当时我就住在北京。这些枪炮声也预示着共产主义在中国的最后胜利将会来临,这一胜利也根本性地改变了国内外力量之平衡。这种力量起先被称为“共产主义营地”。
    在全民族大劫难来临之前夜,报道中涉及的时间和领域都与一支远离西方独立战斗的力量相关。1931年3月,国联未能阻止日本征服满洲的行动从而崩溃。1936年,西方盟国允许希特勒—那个当时还是纸糊的拿破仑—不费一枪一弹地占领莱茵兰地区。它们还无能为力眼睁睁地看着墨索里尼侵占埃塞俄比亚。随后西方在假惺惺的中立主义旗号下对西班牙实行武器禁运。这一举措使得西班牙共和国失去了抵御保守派领袖佛朗哥领导下的将领们发动武装进攻的能力。佛朗哥则公开引进了数以千计的纳粹军队和战机。如此,西方事实上鼓励了希特勒和墨索里尼以表面上对抗苏俄本质上要征服整个西欧的意图结盟。1938年希特勒被允许吞并奥地利,随后这个大**者又被张伯伦和达拉第“授予”捷克斯洛伐克用来奖励“我们这个时代的和平共处”。作为“报答”西方也很快收到了《苏德互不侵犯条约》。
    这就是我开始旅程时中国所处的国际环境。至于造成国内社会**的环境则在正文中给予了定义。到1936年我已经在中国居住了7年,作为一名外国记者广泛地旅行了这个国家并学会一些汉语。这是一篇我最长的中国报道。如果说我的新闻事业要比大多数新闻事业都更加有意义的话,那是因为我不仅仅停留在对转瞬即逝事件的报道上,还挖掘经久的历史事实。我的事业得到了认同性的关注,也许还因为西方势力本着自私自利立场正希望在中国发生奇迹。它们希望新生的中国民族主义势力能使日本陷入困境从而不再对其殖民地下手—这才是西方的真正目的。《红星照耀中国》想要展现的是中国共产党将会在实际上成为民族主义领袖以起到有效的抗击日本势力效用。美利坚合众国的政治倾向发生了如此戏剧性转变,以至建议要将已经冷下来的在星期六晚邮报和《生活杂志》上刊登过的这篇报道重新唤醒。
    还有其它方面的原因导致本书之效用被延长了。我在一个极为讨人欢喜的时刻找到了**和其他红色领袖,他们正处在长年战事的休整期。他们给了我极为充裕的时间,以闻所未闻的坦诚向我们提供了公私两方面的信息,多到一名外国速记员无法全部吸收的地步。1939年我第二次会见**以后,大西北的所有红色根据地都在背后被国民党部队阻断了,游击区也被日寇分割包围。之后的五年没有外国记者能够抵达红色首都延安,从而我的这些报道就成为了独家信息。
    这部作品大部分观点当然都来自党派视角,但也是创造这一历史的男人们和女人们的生活。这部作品不仅为非领导集团而且为整个非党员中国民众提供了第一手真实的党的故事,也提供了中华历史三千年以来最深入社会革命斗争历程中最直接而真实的故事。本书在中国已发行了多个版本,数万本中译本都是游击区印刷出来的。
    我并不想自我标榜赋予了这本书如何的国际推介力,使其得到如何的国际引用。书中很多页只不过是我记录下的那些在我三十岁时与之共处非凡男女的真实谈话。从那些谈话中我学到了或者说有机会学到很多东西。
    1937年,当《红星照耀中国》第一次在英国出版发行时,这些资料中大多数内容都在当时闻所未闻。如今,中外很多专家在不同政治派别中国国内学者的领导或帮助下创作了数十篇不同重要性和质量的作品。有了大量的现存信息又通过我自己和他人的回忆,作品有很多地方能够加以改进从而减少其局限性—然而已丢失了作品原先具有的原始价值。因此我主张保持原来的面貌仅仅做一些排版错误和文字错误校勘,而这一主张并没有得到完全实现。以下对其偏离做出确认:
    因为《红星照耀中国》是在战争状态下完成的,我没有机会查看或校勘第一版印刷,也没有机会校勘后来的几个版本,直至如今。为了减少其中的一种错误—我的战地笔记含有许多过去自己熟悉的名字,隔了这么长时间不能完全用中文写下来。用韦德姓氏标准衡量英语语音上的翻译会导致拼写错误。我希望现在能统一校勘。
    除了这方面的不一致性外,我还广泛地将动词的一般现在时改成了过去时以避免在时代上的误解,以使得故事能更加适应当代读者。书中引用或解释他人证言之时,通常保留着原本的措词以防篡改原始历史材料—即便那些话同现存可信信息相互冲突。一些地方当证实第二手资料的不确实性后,我删除或修正了过来而不是去保留已知的错误。不管从哪一方面讲,读者可以参阅传记笔记或本版笔记以补充或修正一些文本或观点。不断有些地方我重新组织了句子,因为时间长了记不清或有些笔记变得模糊不清难以辨认。这一大本书中所有一切均保留着原来的风貌:事件、主要旅行笔记、访谈和传记,其中包括**的。
   我所从事的对一些非重要事件内容之缩略和删减有助于形成大事年表概念。结束语、新注脚、一些至今未公开的文件、章节评论和一部分关于那些非同寻常人的惊人系列自传,这一切都首次公开了。有时需要段落剪辑甚至几页几页重新编辑来组建新的过渡型章节。这样的组合仅限于1937年以前认知的情节。同样手法也运用在页面脚注上当然并没有用在本书的结束语上。
    毫无疑问,我删减了几个章节后,这一大本书并没有因此而受到妨害(人们因此而得益)。改版并不是一件容易的事情。我敢说如果是一些同此事并没有什么关联的人,他做这样的删减会更加容易,舍不得也更少,从而对读者产生更大的好处。
    我也藉此向一切与本书相关的人物致敬并表示感谢:感谢他们给予的帮助,谢谢他们允许使用他们的评论和照片。特别鸣谢**、约翰·菲尔班克愿意再多看一眼自己走过的足迹。感谢彼得·塞尔伯特能以比我们更加广阔的眼光审视19世纪30年代。感谢艾瑞克·克劳迪·普斯基儿付出艰苦努力翻译成意大利语呈现出1965年版的《红星照耀中国》,还厚斯特拉·罗萨对这一努力的激励。还要感谢玛丽·黑斯考特,楚地·费尔和路易斯威勒他们给予的协助和总体上的激励。
                                        1968年2月14日   日内瓦              埃德加·**            
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 楼主| 发表于 2016-10-28 09:15 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-11 15:54 编辑

                                                                                     Preface to the Pelican Edition  
        After the first removed and enlarged (1968) edition of this book appeared I was able to return to China (August 1970—February 1971). Now the opportunity arises to make limited modifications and additions to the text which are to be found mainly in the Notes and Appendices. One result of Great Proletarian Culture Revolution was to make available rich if largely still unevaluated material relating to the period originally covered by my first report. It would be impossible to incorporate in this single volume everything relevant to the subject and epoch which is now known, of course. I have had to content myself with merely indicating a few selected new sources which may assist the reader in a search for further knowledge opened by a rapidly expanding world of historical revelation.
                                                                                                                                                 E. S.
                                                               August 1971
           

                                                                                                        鹈鹕版前言

    1968年第一版经过增删的《红星照耀中国》面市以后我获许返回中国,从1970年8月一直停留到1971年2月。而今对那些原先主要是笔记和目录的文本有机会进行有限改动和增补。**为我原先报道的时段提供了现成的丰富素材,如果说其中大部分素材都还未经证实却也够丰富的。当然,仅仅这一本书就将同主题与当时的时代相关之所有已知内容并入实无可能。我曾满足于标注一些筛选出来的新材料,这些材料可能有助于读者借用日益迅速开启的世界历史真相之大门进一步探究相关学问。

                                                                                                                                                                                        埃德加·**
                                                      19718  
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本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-20 09:44 编辑

                                                                         Chronology of the Chinese Revolution  
                                                                                    1. Last Days of the Monarchy
1840—42: The ‘Opium Wars’,during which Great Britainforcibly opens Chinato foreign trade. They are followed by the granting of territorial concessionsand rights of inland navigation and missionary activity. The British takeHongKong.
1860: China accepts Russian annexation of eastern Siberia.
1864:Near-victorious ‘T’ai-p’ing(Great Peace) Rebellion crushed by Sino-Manchu forces under General TsengKuo-fan, helped by British army regulars and mixed European and American mercenaries.Chinese revolution ‘postponed sixty years’. Following French penetration andseizure of Indochina (1862), encroachmentsincreasingly reduce the Manchu—Chinese Empire to semi-colonial status.
1866: Sun Yat-sen (founderof Kuomintang, or Nationalist Party, 1912) born in Kwantungprovince.
1868: Czarist Russia annexes Bokharaand begins penetration towards Chinese Turkestan.
1869: Suez Canal completed.
1870: Lenin born
1874: Churchill born.
1879: Ch’en Tu-hsiu (firstgeneral secretary, 1921—7, of Kungch’antang, or Chinese Communist Party) bornin AnHuiprovince. Rapid expansion of French and British colonial empires in Africa.
1883—85: Franco—ChineseWar. Chinese troops in Indochina, defending Peking’sclaim to suzerainty there, are defeated. Francealso acquires new territorial-political concessions in China. Britain ends China’ssuzerainty in Burma.
1889: Cecil Rhodesestablishes British South African Company.
1893: Mao Tse-tung born in Hunan province. France extends its Indochinese colonial power toLaos and Cambodia.
1894: Sino-Japanese War. China forced to cede Taiwan(Formosa) to Japan and abandon ancient claims to suzeraintyover Korea.
1898: ‘Hundred Days Reform’under Emperor Kuang Hsu. Empress Dowager Tz’u Hsi imprisons Kuang Hsu andreturns to power, to remain real ruler till her death (1909). United States defeats Spain,takes Philippines.
1899: ‘Open Door’ doctrineproclaimed by USA; ‘equalopportunity’ for foreign powers in the economic and commercial ‘development’ ofChina.
1900: So-called BoxerRebellion. Anti-Foreign uprising. Allied reprisals include mass executions,crushing indemnities, new concessions, legalized foreign garrisons betweenTientsin and Peking, etc. Czarist Russia takesChina’s port of Talien (Dairen), builds naval base (Port Arthur), acquiresrailway concessions across China’s three north—eastern provinces (Manchuria).Mao Tse-tung works as laborer on his father’s farm.
1902: Anglo—Japanese alliance.
1904—05: Russia—JapaneseWar. Japan gets Port Arthur, Dairen, Russia’s concessions in South Manchuria (China), andadditional ‘rights’. Dr Sun Yat-sen forms revolutionary Alliances Society in Tokyo.
1905: First RussianRevolution.
1911: Republican revolution(the ‘First Revolution’) overthrows Manchu power in Central and South China. At NanKing, Sun Yat-sen declared presidentof provincial government, first Chinese Republic. Student MaoTse-tung joins rebel army; resigns after six months, thinking ‘revolution over’
  
                                            中国革命大事年表
                                        1.中国封建王朝的最后时日
1840年至1842年:鸦片战争中大不列颠帝国强行开放了中国的对外贸易门户。紧接着清政府在领土、内河航运权和传教活动上进行了让步。大不列颠占领香港。
1860年:中国认可沙俄吞并东西伯利亚。
1864年:快要取得最后胜利的太平天国农民革命运动被曾国藩领导下的满汉联军打败,联军中还混杂着英国正规军、欧洲混成军团和美利坚雇佣军。中国革命为此延迟了60年。1852年法兰西渗透入侵并掌控印度支 那,入侵大大削弱了满汉政权使其降格为半殖民地状态。
1866年:1912年创立中国国民党的领袖孙中山在广东诞辰。
1868年:沙皇俄国吞并布哈拉,渗透入东 突厥斯坦。
1869年:苏伊士运河完工。
1870年:列宁诞辰。
1874年:丘吉尔诞辰。
1879年:19217月创建中国共产党的党总书记陈独秀在安徽诞辰。英法帝国在非洲的殖民地急速扩张。
1883年至1885年:中法战争爆发。中国在印度支 那保卫北京宗主权的军队被打败。法国也获得了中方作为让步认可的新领地。英国终止了清廷在缅甸的宗主权。
1889年:英国南部非洲公司在西塞尔·罗兹岛建立。
1893年:**在湖南诞生。法国扩张了其在印度支 那、老挝和柬埔寨的殖民地。
1894年:中日战争爆发,清廷割让台湾放弃了历古以来对高句丽的宗主权。
1898年:光绪操纵下的百日维新失败,慈禧太后软禁光绪帝恢复了王权。直到1909年驾崩她都保有帝位。美利坚合众国打败西班牙夺取了菲律宾列岛。1899年美国宣布了在中国的“门户开放政策”提出各国在中国商业和经济发展地带的“贸易机会平等”。
1900年:发生了所谓的“义和拳”运动一项反抗外国人的起义。盟军通过大**和高额索赔进行报复。新的让步使得外**队进驻平津合法化。沙俄占领了中国的大连,在那里建造海军基地亚瑟港,还获取了在东北三省满洲地区修建铁路的权力。**此时正在父亲的农庄上劳作。
1902年:英日同盟建立。
1904年至1905年:日俄战争爆发,日本夺取了大连的亚瑟港。沙俄在南满做出让步,日获得南满治外法权。孙逸仙在东京成立同盟会。
1905年:俄国首次爆发革命。
1911年:第一次国民革命推翻了满清在中原和华南的统治。孙中山在南京省政府宣布就任国民政府大总统。这是中国第一个共和政体。**作为一名学生参加了革命军。六个月后又辞职反思革命。
                                                                  
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 楼主| 发表于 2016-10-29 18:27 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-11 15:53 编辑

                                                                         2. The Republic and the Warlords (1912—27)
1912: Rulers of Manchu Dynasty formally abdicate. Sun Yat-sen resigns in favor of Yuan Shih-K’ai, as president of the Republic of China. Peking is its capital. Koumintang (Nationalists) dominates first parliament, forms cabinet. Italy takes Libya.
1912—14: Provisional constitution and parliament suspected by militarist Yuan Shih-k’ai, who becomes dictator. Japan imposes ‘Twenty-one Demands’, their effect to reduce China to vassal state. Yuan Shi-k’ai accepts most of the demands. Cabinet resigns. European war begins. Japan seizes Tsingtao, German colony in China. Mao first studies books by Western scholars.
1915: New Youth (Hsin Ch’ing-nien) magazine, found by Ch’en Tuhsiu, becomes focus of revolutionary youth, and popularizes written vernacular (pai-hua) language; death knell of Confucian classicism. Mao Tse-tung becomes New Youth contributor, under pseudonym. Yuan Shih-k’ai attempts to re-establish monarchy, with himself as emperor.
1916: Second (Republican) Revolution: overthrow of ‘Emperor’ Yuan Shih-K’ai by ‘revolt of the generals’ led by Tsai O. Nullification of Yuan’s acceptance of Japan’s “Twenty-one Demands’. Era of warlords begins.
1917: Peking ‘shadow government’ declares war on Germany. Generalissimo Sun Yat-sen, heading separate provisional regime in Canton, also declares war. In Hunan, Mao Tse-tung becomes cofounder of radical youth group, New People’s Study Society. The October Revolution occurs in Russia.
1918: End of First World War. Mao Tse-tung graduates from Hunan First Normal School, aged twenty-five. He visits Peking; becomes assistant to Li Ta-Chao, liberation of Peking University. Li TaChao and Ch’en Tu-hsui establish Marxist study society, which Mao joins. All three later become founders of Chinese Communist Party.
1918—1919: 175,000 laborers sent overseas to help allies; 400 ‘Work-study’ students to ShangHai. Back in Hunan, Mao founds Hsiang Chiang Review, anti-imperialist, antimilitarists, pro-Russian Revolution.
1919: May Fourth Movement. Nationwide student demonstrations against Versailles Treaty award of Germany’s China concessions to Japan. Beginning of modern nationalist movement. Hungarian (Bela Kun) Communist-led social revolution suppressed.
1920: Mao Tse-tung organizes Hunan Branch of Socialist Youth Corps; among its members, Liu Shao-Ch’i. Mao marries Yang K’ai-hui, daughter of his esteemed ethics professor at normal school. Mao helps found Cultural Book Study Society. League of Nations established.
1921: Chinese Communist Party formally organized at First Congress, Shanghai. Mao participates; is chosen secretary of CP of Hunan. Ts’ai Ho-sen, Chou En-lai, and others form Communist Youth League in Paris. Revolution in Mongolia.
1922: Sun Yat-sen agrees with Lenin’s representative to accept Soviet aid and form united front with CCP; Communist Youth may now hold joint membership in Kuomintang. Led by Sun. Washing-ton Conference restores Germany’s colony to China.


                                                                                     3.Nationalist (or Great) revolution:
                                                                                   Kuomintang-Communist United Front                              

1923: Agreement between Sun Yat-sen and Adolf Joffe provides basis for KMT-CCP-CPSU alliance. At Third Congress of CCP, in Canton, Mao Tse-tung elected to Central Committee and chief of organization bureau.
1924: First Congress of Kuomingtang approves admission of Communists. Mao Tse-tung elected an alternate member, Central Executive Committee, Kuomintang. Lenin dies.
1925: Mao returns to Hunan, organizes peasant support for Nationalist (Liberation) Expedition. Writes his first ‘classic’, Analysis of classes in Chinese Society (Published 1926). Sun Yat-sen dies. Russian advisers choose Chiang Kai-shek as commander-in-chief. ‘Universal suffrage’ in Japan.
1926: Nationalist Revolutionary Expedition launched from Canton under supreme military command of Chiang Kai-shek. Mao, back in Canton, becomes deputy director Kuomintang Peasant Bureau and Peasant Movement Training Institute; he heads agit-prop department. Nationalist-Communist-led Indonesian revolution suppressed by Dutch.




                                         2.民国和军阀混战时期
1912年:满清王朝统治者退位。为迎合袁世凯,孙逸仙辞去**大总统职位。民国定都北京。国民党在第一议会占多数席位,获得组阁权。埃及占领了利比亚。
1912年至1914年:军阀袁世凯开始怀疑临时宪法和议会,成为**者。日本强加了21条。21条的实施将中国降格到附庸国地位。袁世凯接受了21条中大多数条款。内阁解散。第一次世界大战欧战开始。日本夺取了德国在中国的殖民地青岛。**第一次学习西方学者的著书。
1915年:陈独秀创刊《新青年》杂志。杂志聚焦革命青年,普及白话文写作,敲响了孔教的丧钟。**成为了《新青年》的匿名攥稿人。袁世凯试图恢复君主立宪制,自己当皇帝。
1916年:护国运动开始,蔡锷领导反叛将领推翻了袁世凯。废弃袁世凯接受的21条。军阀混战时期开始。
1917年:北京“影子政府”对德宣战。孙逸仙大元帅在广州领导了分立政权,同样宣战。**在湖南成为激进青年新人类社的创始人之一。俄国爆发十月革命。
1918年:第一次世界大战结束。**于湖南第一师范学院毕业,时年25岁。他走访了北京成为北京大学革命者陈独秀的助手。李大钊和陈独秀成立了马克思主义研究社,**加入这一组织。三人后来成为了中国共产党的奠基人。
1918年至1919年:175千劳工赶赴海外支援盟军。400名勤工俭学的学生来到上海。**回湖南创刊《湘江评论》以反帝国主义,反军阀,支持俄国十月革命。
1919年:五四运动爆发。全国学生**游行抗议《凡尔赛》条约将德国在华利益转让给日本。现代民族主义运动发生。匈牙利共产党领导的社会革命遭到**。
1920年:**组织了社会主义青年团的湖南分支,团员中有**。**同他敬重的师范学校伦理学教师的女儿,杨开慧结婚。**协助创办了文化图书学习社。国联成立。
1921年:中国共产党在上海召开了第一次代表大会。**参加了会议,成为党的湖南省书记。蔡和森,周恩来等人在巴黎成立了共产主义青年团。蒙古爆发革命。
1922年:孙逸仙认同了列宁派出代表之建议,接受了苏联援助,同中国共产党建立统一战线。共产主义青年可同时加入孙逸仙领导的国民党。《华盛顿协定》恢复了德国在华殖民地。

                                                                                                             3. 中国大革命时期
                                          19237国共统一战线
1923年:孙逸仙同阿尔道夫·阿布拉莫维奇的协议为国民党中共苏共联盟奠定基础。在广东举行的共产党第三届代表大会上**当选为中央政治局主要成员。
1924年:国民党一大认可吸纳共产党员。**当选为国民党候补委员和中央执行委员会委员。列宁逝世。
1925年:**回到湖南,组织湖南农民支援北伐。1926年**出版了第一本著作《中国各社会阶级分析》。孙中山逝世。苏联顾问选了蒋介石做总司令。日本遭受大萧条。
1926年:在蒋介石总司令领导下,国民革民军在广东发动了北伐远征。**回到广东,成为广东农会和农**动培训机构的副主任。他领导着宣传部。印尼共产主义运动被荷兰人**。
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 楼主| 发表于 2016-10-30 09:54 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-20 10:20 编辑

                                                                            4. First Communist-Nationalist Civil War (1927—37)
1927: Stalin victoriousover Trotsky. In March, Mao Tse-tung publishes his Report of an Investigationinto the Peasant Movement in Human; calls poor peasants ‘main force’ ofrevolution, demands confiscation of landlords’ land. Thesis rejected byCommunist Party Central Committee. In April, Chiang Kai-shek leadsanti-Communist coup, ‘beheads Party’; Communist membership reduced, by fourfifths, to 10,000. Chen’ Tu-hsiu deposed as CCP secretary. Party drivenunderground. Mao leads peasant uprising in Hunan (August); defeated, he flees to mountainstronghold, Chingkangshan. Nanchang Uprising also defeated. Retreat tocountryside. Canton(Commune) Uprising fails P’eng P’ai leads survivors to HaiLufeng and sets upHailufeng Soviet (1927). Sukarno forms Indonesian Nationalist Party.
1928: Chiang Kai-shekestablishes nominal centralized control over China under National Government (aKuomintang, one party dictatorship). Mao Tse-tung and Chu-Teh join forces at Ching-kangshan, Hunan,form first ‘Red Army’ of Chinaand local soviet. Paris Peace Pact signed by the great powers, renouncing war ‘asan instrument of national policy’.
1929: Mao Tse-tung and Chu-Theconquer rural territories around Juichin, Kiangsi,where a soviet government is proclaimed. Commmunist Politburo, dominated by LiLi-san, remains hidden in foreign-controlled ShangHai. Stock market crash in New York.
1930: conflict between Mao’s‘rural soviet’ movement’ and Politburo leader Li Li-san, who favors urbaninsurrections. Red Army led by Mao and P’eng Teh-huai captures Changsha then withdraw. Second assault on ChangSha a costly failure.Li Li-san discredit by Moscow.Chiang Kai-shek launches first major offensive against the Reds. Mao Tse-tung’swife and sister executed in ChangSha.Gandhi leads non-violent civil disobedience in India.
1931: Spain declaresa Republic. Meeting underground in January, in ShangHai, Central Committee of CCP electsWang Ming (Ch’en Shao-yu) general secretary and chief of Party. All-ChinaCongress of Chinese Soviets, convened in deep hinterland of Juichin, elects MaoTse-tung chairman of the first All—China Soviet Government, Chu-Teh militarycommander. In September, Japanbegins conquest of Manchuria; Chiang Kai-sheksuspends his third ‘annihilation campaign’s’ against Red Army. End of GreatFamine (1929—31) in North-West China;estimated dead, five to ten million. Wang Ming goes to Moscow. Po Ku heads of Shanghai Politburo.
1932: Japan attacks ShangHai,defended by nineteenth Route Army; unsupported by Chiang Kai-shek, it retreatsto Fukien province. Chiang authorized TangkuTruce, to end Sino-Japanese hostilities. He renews offensive against KiangsiSoviet; Reds declare war on Japan.Police in Shanghai International Settlement help Chiang Kai-shek extirpate Redunderground. Politburo chiefs Po Ku, Lo Fu, Liu Shao-ch’i, and Chou En-lai joinMao in Kiangsi Soviet. Roosevelt electedPresident of US.
1933: nineteenth Route Army rebels and offersalliance to Reds, which is rejected. Chiang Kai-shek destroys Nineteenth RA,begins a new campaign against Soviet China. Hitler becomes chancellor of Germany.
1934: Second All-ChinaSoviet Congress re-elects Mao Tse-tung chairman, but party leadership falls to ‘Twenty-eightBolsheviks’. Red Army changes tactics and suffers decisive defeats. Main forcesand party cadre retreat to West China.
Politburo meets in Tsunyi,Kweichow, in January; elects Mao Tse-tung effective leader of the Party andarmy during Long March to North—West China. In July, Kiangsi Red forcesreach Szechuan and joint troops under Politburo member and Party co-founderChang Kuo-t’ao, driven from soviet areas north of Yangtze River. In enlarged meeting of Politburo, Chang Kuo-t’ao disputesMao’s policy and leadership. Red forces divided; Mao leads southern forces intonew base in North—West China,after one year of almost continuous marching, totaling 6,000 miles. (Chang Kuo’Tao follows him a year later.) Japandemands separation of two north Chinaprovinces, under ‘autonomous’ regime. Japanese troops move into Chinese InnerMongolia set up bogus ‘independent’ state. Ninth December student rebellion in Peking touches off wave of anti-Japanese nationalpatriotic activity. Italyseizes Ethiopia.
1936: Mao Tse-tung,interviewed by the author in Pao an, shensi, tells his life story and his accountof the revolution, and offers to end civil war to form a united front against Japan.Mao lectures to the Red Army University;his On the Tactics of fighting Japanese Imperialism and Strategic Problems in China’s revolutionary War became doctrinal basisof new stage of untied front against Japan. Spurning Communist’s offerof a truce (first made on 1 August 1935), Chiang Kai-shek mobilizes for ‘finalannihilation of Reds in North-West.
The SianIncident, in December: Chiang Kai-Shek ‘arrested’ by his deputycommander-in-chief, Chiang Hsueh-liang, exiled Manchurian leader. Marshal Changinsists that Chiang accept national united front against Japan.Following Chiang Kai-shek’s release, and undeclared truce in civil war,Kuomingtang opens negotiations with CCP and its ‘anti-Japanese government’based in Yenan, Shensi.
                                                                                          4.第一次国内革命战争即国共内战
1927年:斯大林战胜托洛茨基。3月**发布了《湖南农**动考察报告》。报告称‘贫农’为中国革命的主要力量,要求没收地主财产。这一论点受到中国共产党中央委员会的否决。4月,蒋介石领导了**组织‘砍头党’,共产党党员数量减少了4/5只剩1万人。陈独秀辞去党总书记职务。共产党成为地下组织。**领导了湖南农民**,被打败后撤退到井冈山山区的革命堡垒中。南仓起义也被打败,撤退到乡村地区。广州起义失败,彭湃带着生还者来到海陆丰建立海陆丰苏维埃政权。苏加诺成立印尼国民党。
1928年:蒋介石确立了国民党****和名义上的中央政府。**与朱德在湖南省井冈山会师,成立了第一支中国工农红军,建立了地方苏维埃政权。列强签署《巴黎和平协定》宣布“放弃以战争协调国家关系”
1929年:**和朱德的部队占领江西瑞金附近的农村地域,宣布苏维埃政府成立。李立三领导的中国共产党中央政治局依旧隐藏在外国势力盘踞之上海。纽约股市崩盘。
1930年:**的农村苏维埃运动路线同李立三中央政治局的城市**路线发生冲突。**和彭德怀领导的工农红军占领长沙后又撤出。第二次进攻长沙红军遭受重大损失。李立三被莫斯科质疑。蒋介石对红军发动了第一次围剿。**的妻子和姐姐在长沙遭到杀害。 甘地在印度发动了非暴力不合作运动。
1931年:西班牙共和国成立。1月,中国共产党中央委员会在上海秘密会务,王明当选为总书记。苏维埃全国代表大会在江西瑞金这个穷乡僻壤召开,选举**为中华苏维埃共和国主席,朱德为总司令。9月日本开始占领满洲地区。蒋介石延迟了对红军的第三次围剿。中国西北地区1929年到1931年大饥荒过去,估算有500万到1000万人死于饥荒。王明去了莫斯科,博古领导上海中央政治局。
1932年:日本进攻由19路军把守的上海。19路军的抵抗没有受到蒋介石支持,被迫撤退到福建。蒋介石签署了《塘沽协定》,以“终止中日之间的寇仇”。 蒋恢复了对江西苏维埃政权的围剿。红军对日宣战。国际清算警察协助蒋介石拔除上海的共产党地下组织。中央政治局主要成员博古、**和周恩来加入**的江西苏维埃政权。罗斯福当选为美国总统。
1933年:19陆军谋反为红军提供支持被拒绝。蒋介石撤销了第19路军番号,开始对苏维埃共和国发动新的围剿。希特勒当选为德国总理。
1934年:中华苏维埃共和国第二次代表大会再次选举**为主席,但党的领导权落入二十八个布尔什维克手中。红军改变了反围剿策略,第五次反围剿遭到重大失败。红军主力和党的干部向中国西北撤离。1月,中央政治局在贵州遵义召开会议,在向大西北转移过程中选举**为党和红军的主要领导人。7月江西的中央红军在四川与中央政治局成员和党的创始人之一张国焘领导的红军会师。张国焘领导的红军是被从扬子江以北建立之苏区赶过来的。在中央政治局扩大会议中,张国焘质疑**的策略和领导地位。红军发生**。**领导南方红军经历25,000里长征耗时1年在西北建立新了新的根据地。张国焘一年之后也跟了过来。日本要求华北两省自治。日军进驻内蒙古地区建立伪自治政权。北平一·二九抗日学生爱国运动激起全民族抗日热潮。意大利占领埃塞俄比亚。
1936年:**在陕西省保安地区接受了本篇作者的采访。他讲诉了自己的故事,进行了对革命过程的陈述,提出通过建立抗日民族统一战线来终止内战。**在红军大学讲学。他写的《论反对日本帝国主义的策略》和《中国革命战争的战略问题》成为了新抗日统一战线之理论基础。蒋介石鄙视共产党方面提出的停战建议从1935年8月1日就开始调集部队对西北红军实施“最后的清缴”。
11月,西安事变爆发:蒋介石被从东北**出来的副总司令张学良拘捕。张学良将军要求蒋介石接受全民族抗日统一战线。随着蒋介石被释放和未宣称的内战休战,国民党打开了同共产党谈判之大门。抗日政府在陕西延安成立。


     
  
   
               
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 楼主| 发表于 2016-10-31 09:43 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-19 09:05 编辑

                                            5. United Front’s Against Japan:The Great Patriotic, or Anti-Japanese, War. (1937—1945)
1937: In July, Japanmassively invades China.Agreement signed for joint Nationalist—Communist war of resistance against Japan. ChineseSoviet Government dissolved but continues as autonomous regime. Red Armybecomes Eighth Routeand New Fourth armies under Chiang’s nominal command. Mao writes theoreticalworks, On contradiction and On Practice. Italyleaves the League of Nations.     
1938:Mao outlines Communists’ wartime political and military ends and meansin On the New Stage, On the Protracted War, and Strategic Problem in theAnti-Japanese Guerrilla War. Chang Kuo-t’ao, expelled from the CCP, entersKuomintang areas. Mao becomes undisputed leader of Party. Japanese armiesoverwhelm North China. Nationalists retreat towest. Communists organize partisans far behind Japanese lines. Nazi Germanyannexes Austria and Czechoslovakia.
1939: Mao’s On the New Democracy outlines class basis of united front,intimates future coalition government structure. Rapid expansion of Communistcadres and military forces. Hitler-Stalin pact. German attacks Poland. Withoutbreak of European war, Yenan blocked by nationalist troops.
1940—1941: Breakdown of practical cooperation between Communists andNationalists follows Chiang Kai-shek’s attack on New Fourth Army. Chen’Yibecomes its commander. After Pearl Harbor,Kuomintang relics on American aid while Communists vigorously expanded guerillaareas.
1942: CCP ‘rectification’ campaign centers on Wang Ming and Moscow-trained ‘dogmatists’;Mao’s ‘native’ leadership enhanced.
1943: Mao Tse-tung credited (by Liu Shao-ch’i) with having ‘created aChinese or Asiatic form of Marxism’. Attraction of ‘New Democracy’ provewidespread among peasants and intellectuals; Kuomintang morale and fightingcapacity rapidly decline. Chou En-lai claims 800,000 Party members, ahalf-million troops and trained militia, in ‘liberated areas’ exceeding 100million population. Fascism collapses in Italy. By decree, Stalin abolishesthe Comintern.
1944: US Army ‘observers’ arrive in Yenan, Communist ‘guerilla’ capital. Alliedlanding in Normandy.President Roosevelt re-elected.
1945: Seventh National Congress of CCP (April) claims Party membership of1,200,000, with armed forces of 900,000. Germany defeated. Russia entersFar Eastern war; signs alliance with ChiangKai-shek’s government. Mao’s reportOn Coalition Government becomes formal basis of Communist-led forces floodNorth China and Manchuria, competing withAmerican-armed Nationalists. US Ambassador Hurley flies Mao Tse-tung to Chungking to negotiate with Chiang Kai-shek. Yalta pact promises TaiWanto China.Death of Roosevelt. Truman uses atomic bomb onHiroshima. Endof Second World War.
                                                                       6. SecondCommunist-Nationalist Civil War
1946: Nationalist and Communists fail to agree on ‘Coalition government’;in June the Second Civil War, called by the communists the war of liberation,begins. Under Soviet Russian occupation, Eastern Europe‘goes red’.
1947: Mao’s The Present Situation and Our Tasks outlines strategic andtactical plans, calling for general offensive against Nationalists. TrumanDoctrine proclaimed in Greece.
1948: Despite US aid to Nationalists, their defeat in Manchuriais overwhelming. Yugoslaviais expelled from Cominform, postwar successor the Comintern.
1949: As his armies disintegrate, Chiang Kai-shek flees to Taiwan. Over therest of Chinathe People’s Liberation Army is victorious. In March the Central Committee ofthe CCP, led by Mao, arrives in Peking.Atlantic Pact (NATO) proclaimed. US ‘White **’ Blamed Chiang’s ‘reactionaries’for ‘loss of China’.
                            5.抗日民族统一战线:伟大民族解放战争即抗日战争
1937年:7月,日本发动全面侵华战争。国共共同签署了《国共合作抗战宣言》。中华苏维埃全国政府解散,苏维埃政权实行区域自治。红军改编为蒋介石统一领导下的八路军和新四军。**撰写了理论著作《矛盾论》和《实践论》。意大利脱离国联。
1938年:**在《新的阶段》、《论持久战》和《抗日游击战的策略问题》等著作里从政治和军事上概括了红军的前途命运和策略。张国焘被开除党籍,进入国统区。**成为无可争议的中国共产党领导人。日本侵略军控制了整个华北。国民党军队向中国西部撤退。共产党组织了敌后抗日游击战。纳粹德国吞并奥地利和捷克斯洛伐克。
1939年:**在《论新民主主义》中概括了抗日统一战线的阶级基础,详述未来联合政府的构架。共产党干部和武装力量迅速扩大。《苏德互不侵犯条约》签订。德国闪击波兰。随着欧战爆发,延安被国民党部队封锁。  
1940年—1941年:随着蒋介石对新四军的进攻,国共合作事实上破裂。陈毅成为新的新四军军长。珍珠港事件爆发以后,蒋介石依赖美国援助而共产党积极扩展了游击区。
1942年:中国共产党纠正了王明左倾冒险主义错误路线和苏联教育模式的教条主义路线,加强了**的民族领导地位。
1943年:**认为**思想开辟了中国乃至亚洲地区的马列主义模式。《论新民主主义》广泛地在农民和知识分子间传播。国民党的士气和战斗力遭到极大挫伤。周恩来宣称解放区人口达到1千万上下,有党员80万人,受过军事训练的武装力量50万人。意大利法西斯政权崩溃。斯大林部分废除了共产国际。
1944年:美**事观察家进入红色游击区首都延安。盟军诺曼底登陆。罗斯福再次当选为美国总统。
1945年:中国共产党第七次代表大会召开,宣称拥有120万党员,90万武装部队。德国战败。苏联卷入远东战事,签署同蒋介石政府的盟约。欧战胜利日以后,共产党部队席卷了整个华北和满洲地区,同美国武装起来的国民党部队展开军事竞争。美国大使赫尔利让**飞到重庆同蒋介石谈判。雅尔塔协定承诺台湾回归中国。罗斯福逝世。杜鲁门向广岛投掷了原子弹。第二次世界大战结束。
                               6.第二次国内革命战争及人民解放战争
1946年:国共双方没有能够就联合政府达成共识。6月,第二次国内革命战争即解放战争爆发。在苏联占领下的东欧走向**。
1947年:**在《目前形势和我们的任务》中概括了当时的战略战术,号召对国民党**派发起全面进攻。希腊公布了“杜鲁门主义”
1948年:国民党**派尽管有美国支持,其在东北地区的失败却不可挽回。南斯拉夫被驱逐出共产党情报局,该机构是战后共产国际的继承者。
1949年:蒋介石在其军队被打败之后逃亡台湾地区。解放军在全国都取得了胜利。4月,**领导下的党中央开进北京。北大西洋公约组织宣布成立。美国国家白皮书谴责蒋介石**集团丧失了整个中国。
  
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 楼主| 发表于 2016-11-1 09:07 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-15 09:22 编辑

                                                                             7. The Chinese People’s Republic (1949—)
1949:Based on Mao’s The People’s Democracy Dictatorship, a People’s Political Consultative Conference is convened, in form representing workers, peasants, intellectuals, national bourgeoisie. Chinese People’s Government organized, with Mao elected chairman. On 1 October, Chinese People’s Republic formally proclaimed in Peking. Mao announces foreign policy of ‘leaning to one side’(towards USSR). Great Britain, Soviet Russia, Norway, The Netherlands, Sweden, Finland, Switzerland recognize the new government; the United States withdraw its diplomats from China. Mao Tse-tung leaves for Moscow—his first trip abroad. US Communist Party leaders convicted of advocating violent overthrew of the government.
1950: Mao concludes Sino-Soviet treaty of alliance; Stalin grants China $300,000,000 loan. Korean War breaks out (June) and Chinese ‘Volunteers’ intervene (October). India proclaims independence.
1951—1952: With Soviet aid, Chinese resistance in Korea continues. American forces, barred from carrying war into China by UN and Allied policies, hold positions at Thirty—eighth Parallel in Korea. First hydrogen bomb exploded (1952) by USA.
1953: Stalin dies. Korean armistice signed. US forms alliance with Chiang Kai-shek, ** TaiWan US protectorate. Peking announces First Five-Year Plan. Soviet grants support for 156 large-scale Chinese projects. Moscow agrees to liquidate Soviet-Chinese joint enterprises and withdraw all troops from China. Rosenbergs executed in the US.
1954: Khrushchev first visits Peking. Land reform (redistribution) completed. Agriculture cooperatives lay basis for collectivization (1957). State establishes partnerships with remaining private enterprise, preliminary to complete nationalization (1957). Geneva Accords end French power in Indochina and recognize independence of Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. Under the influence of Secretary of state John Foster Gulles, the Eisenhower administration takes ‘note’ of Geneva Accords, but begins intervention in support of Ngo Dinh Diem.
1955: At Bandung Conference (twenty-nine Afro-Asian nations) China seeks broader anti-imperialist role against US and allies. China’s ‘foreign aid’ program competes with that of the USSR. War-saw Pact signed by USSR and East European satellites.
1956: Khrushchev denounces Stalin at Twentieth Congress of CPSU. He proclaims end of personality cult and beginning if collective leadership. ‘Hundred Flowers” period invites criticism of CCP from dissatisfied Chinese intellectuals. Hungarian revolt; Peking backs suppression. China publishes important Maoist thesis, On the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, acknowledging continued ‘contradiction’ within and between socialist states.
1957: Mao’s On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the people defines limitations of criticism in relation to the party; advances thesis of ‘unity-criticism’ as dialectical process to isolate ‘enemies of socialism’ and peaceful resolve ‘non-antagonistic’ conflicts of interest between the state, the party and ‘the people’. Russia agrees to supply sample atom bomb to China and help in unclear weapons development. Sputnik launched. At November conference in Moscow, Mao discerns a ‘turning point’: the ‘East Wind is prevailing over the West Wind’ He contends socialist forces outbalance capitalist forces. Thesis disputed by Russians. Break-up of Sino-Soviet unity begins.
1958: China announces Second Five year Plan. Year of the ‘Great Leap Forward’ and People’s Communes. Peking’s Threat to liberate TaiWan provokes Sino—American crisis. Khrushchev withholds unconditional unclear support for China, and Peking declines to place Chinese forces under Soviet military command. Sino-Soviet differences developed. First US space satellite launched.
1959: In the decisive Party plenum held at Lushan Mao Tse-tung has a difficult struggle to replace P’eng Teh-huai by Lin Piao as defense minster. Part of the price of his victory was, apparently, his own replacement by Liu Shao-ch’i as chairman of the government. During October anniversary celebrations Khrushchev again visits Peking, where he declares ‘Imperialist war is not inevitable’ His advocacy of ‘peaceful coexistence’ with ‘American imperialism’ is sharply rejected by Chinese. China gets no A-Bomb and Mao loses confidence in Khrushchev. Tibetan rebellion. Dalai ** flees to India. During China’s disputes with India and Indonesia, Khrushchev offers aid to the latter. He disparages Chinese people’s communes. Castro takes power in Cuba. As US increases armed intervention, aimed to separate South Vietnam from the Republic, President Ho Chi Minh backs People’s Liberation War in the South.
1960: In July, Moscow recalls all Soviet advisers from China, cancels more than 300 contracts withdraws technical help. At Moscow international Party conference (November), Sino-Soviet ‘contradictions’ intensify. Chinese openly identify Khrushchev as ‘revisionist’. Russians accuse Mao of seeking ‘world holocaust’. Massive crop failure and industrial dislocation in China. As Sino-Indian frontier incidents grow serious, Khrushchev plays neutral role, continues economic aid to India. John F. Kennedy elected US president.


                                                                       7.中华人民共和国时期(本表涵盖1949年至1971年阶段)
1949年:召集了以**为领导的,人民民主专政的人民政治协商会议。政协在形式上代表工人、农民、知识分子和民族资产阶级。中华人民共和国中央人民政府成立,由**担任主席。10月1日在北京正式宣布中华人民共和国成立。**宣布在外交上实行“单边倾向”(倾向于苏联)。英国、苏联、挪威、荷兰、瑞典、芬兰、瑞士当即率先承认了中华人民共和国。美国撤出了驻华使节。**前往莫斯科,那是他第一次出国。美国共产党领袖因支持暴力推翻政府遭到宣判。
1950年:**概括了《中苏友好条约》。斯大林同意给中国3亿美元贷款。1月朝鲜战争爆发,10月,中国人民志愿军介入朝鲜。印度宣布独立。
1951年至1952年:在苏联援助下,抗美援朝战事继续着。美国向中国输出战争和盟国政策的阴谋被阻止,军队被阻断在朝鲜三八线上。美国爆炸了全球第一颗氢弹。(1952)
1953年:斯大林逝世。美国与台湾的蒋介石签署协约,将台湾变成其事实上的保护国。北京政府宣布了第一个五年计划。苏联承诺对中国的156个大项目提供援助。莫斯科同意加强中苏协作并从中国撤出所有军队。美国著名红色间谍罗森博格夫妇在美国被执行死刑。
1954年:赫鲁晓夫第一次访问北京。中国红色土地改革完成。以农村合作化经营为基础的农业集体所有制开始形成。(1957形成)国家采用公私合营形式介入剩下的私有制企业,作为全民所有制改造的前奏。(1957年完成改造)《日内瓦协定》终止了法国在印度**的势力,承认越南、老挝和柬埔寨的独立。在联合国秘书长约翰·福斯特影响下美国艾森豪威尔政权关注了《日内瓦协定》但同时开始介入支持越南吴廷琰政权。
1955年:由29个亚非国家参与的万隆会议召开,中国寻求更加广泛的反帝国主义角色对抗美国及其盟友。中国的“对外援助”项目开始同苏联竞争。苏联和东欧国家签署了《华沙条约》。
1956年:赫鲁晓夫在第20界苏共代表大会上发表了谴责斯大林的讲话,宣布要终止**开始党的集体领导。中国文艺进入“百花齐放”阶段,邀请不满的知识分子对党批评指正。匈牙利叛乱。北京支持匈牙利政府对叛乱的**。北京出版了**著作《论无产阶专政的历史经验》承认苏维埃国家内部和国家之间的矛盾长期存在。
1957年:**著作《论正确处理人民内部矛盾》界定了对党批判的界限,推进了将团结与批判理论作为辩证手段以孤立社会主义的敌人,以和平方式解决非对抗性国家间矛盾,党派间矛盾和人民内部矛盾。苏联同意向中国提供原子弹样本,协助其原子武器发展进程。第一颗人造卫星上天。11月莫斯科会议召开:**认识到了一个转机—“东风压倒西风”认为社会主义力量已经压倒资本主义力量。这一论点在苏联引起争议。中苏关系破裂开始形成。
1958年:中国公布了第二个五年计划。大跃进和人民公社化。北京威慑要解放台湾使得中美关系陷入危机。赫鲁晓夫终止了对中国的无条件核援助。北京拒绝将中国武装力量置于苏联统领之下。中苏裂痕增大。美国发射了第一颗人造卫星。
1959年:在庐山召开的中央政治局第一次扩大会议上**和彭德怀进行激烈斗争,以**替换彭德怀为国防部长。显然,这一胜利的部分代价在于他自己也被**取代了中央政府主席职位。10月国庆日赫鲁晓夫再次访问北京,他在北京宣称“帝国主义战争并非不可避免”,主张“同美帝国主义和平共处”。这一主张遭到中国人的强烈反对。中国没有得到原子弹,**对赫鲁晓夫失去信心。西藏发生叛乱。****逃亡印度。在中国同印度和印尼的冲突中赫鲁晓夫为后者提供了支援。他还诬陷了当时中国的人民公社。卡斯特罗夺得古巴领导权。美国加强对越南的武装干涉,试图将南越从越南民主主义人民共和国**出去。胡志明主席支持南部人民的解放战争。
1960年:7月,莫斯科将所有顾问从中国召回,取消了300多个合同,撤回所有技术援助。在11月莫斯科国际政党会议上,中苏矛盾激化。中国公开将赫鲁晓夫定义为“修正主义”。俄国人谴责毛在寻找一条“世界大屠戮”的道路。中国发生了农业灾害庄稼大面积歉收和工业混乱。随着中印边界问题日趋严重,赫鲁晓夫选择了中立者的角色,却继续给印度提供经济支持。约翰·肯尼迪当选为美国总统。
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1961: At Twenty-second Soviet Party Congressin Moscow, ChouEn-lai walks out when Khrushchev bans Albanian Party. Using texts from thenewly published (1960) Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. IV, Peking’s Party press proclaims Maoist and antirevisionisttheses ‘true Marxism-Leninism’. Chinese replace Soviet advisers in Albania. BerlinWall built.
1962: Sino-Soviet clashes on both state and Party levelsforeshadow wide international ideological fight. Kennedy—Khrushchev duel over Cuba.When Khrushchev withdraws missiles from Cuba,Peking ridicules him for ‘adventurism’ and ‘capitulationism’.Sino-Indian border incidents climaxed by Chinese assault, driving Indians from35,000 square miles of territory. Chinese troops withdraw, unilaterally created‘demilitarized zone’, call for peaceful negotiation. UN intervenes in the Congo.
1960—1963: Following the disruption of the Chineseeconomy caused by dislocations during the ‘Great Leap Forward’, by withdrawalof Soviet aid, and by a series of natural calamities, the People’s Republicslowly recovers from near-famine conditions.
1963: In final defiance of Peking’s demand for a militantinternational ‘united front against American imperialism’, Moscow signs nucleartest-ban treaty with United States, makes ‘peaceful coexistence’ cardinal aimof Soviet foreign policy. Sino-Soviet split now reflected in intrapartycleavages in many countries. Mutual recriminations reinforced by open publicationof past charges and countercharges by CCP and CPSU. Peking steps up drive forideological leadership among ‘third world’ Asian—African—Latin Americanrevolutionary forces; Moscowstrives to hold following among European parties. Premier Chou En-Lai visitsAfrican countries. Mao Tse-tung issues declaration calling upon ‘the people ofthe world’ to unite against American imperialism and support American Negrostruggles. President Kennedy assassinated.
1964: Breakdown in Soviet—Chinese party and staterelations becomes nearly complete. As Francerecognizes China,Communist split paralleled by Western split. Chinese offensive on two fronts—Americanimperialism and Soviet revisionism—has some success in dividing both camps. Twoyears of good harvests and new trade ties with Europe and Japanstrengthen Chinese economy. Foreign Minister Che’en Yi publicly expressesdoubts concerning value of Sino-Soviet military alliance; China may nolonger count on Russian aid. Mao urges Japanese socialists to recover territorieslost to Russiaand crieicizes Soviet ‘imperialism’ for encroachments on Chinese territories.
      After fifteenyears, achievements of Chinese revolution in uniting and modernizing China widelyconceded even by enemies. In rivalry with Russia,and despite exclusion from United Nations, China becomes major power with which—accordingto General de Gaulle—United State must negotiate in order to end war in South-East Asia. Mao Tse-tung, following a century of China’shumiliation as a weak and backward nation, emerges as the first Asian politicalleader to attract significant world following. China explodes its first ‘nucleardevice’.
      SouthVietnamese Government, backed by the United States and badly defeated bygrowing forces of the National Liberation Front, verges on disintegrationbefore pro-neutralist and pro-peace elements.
1965: President Johnson, soon after his Januaryinauguration, moves American combat troops into Vietnamto prevent a neutralist coup in Saigon. InFebruary he orders massive bombing of North Vietnam. Peking announces itsreadiness to intervene in support of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam ifPresident Ho Chi Minh demands it, but in an interview with the author inJanuary, Chairman Mao declares that China is directly attacked. InJuly, Lin Piao, China’sMinister of Defense, publishes a declaration, ‘Long Live the Victory of thePeople’s War!’, which calls upon the underdeveloped nations, liked to the ruralareas of the world.’ to join forces against American and Western imperialism,the ‘cities of the world’.
     China explodesits second nuclear device.
     The UnitedNations vote on the admission of the People’s Republic ends in a 47—47 tie,with Great Britain for thefirst time voting in favor of seating Peking.Lacking majority support, the move is once more defeated.   
1966: USforces in Vietnam approached500,000 men, and American bombing of North Vietnam spares few targets except inner metropolitanareas of Hanoi and Haiphong. Russiasends North Vietnamaircraft, weapons, and technical personnel; Chins supplies small arms and food.
      China launches a ‘Great Proletarian CultureRevolution’ (GPCR) under Mao Tse-tung, with Lin Piao named as his ‘closecomrade-in-arms’, Chinaprepares for an expected American invasion. An unprecedented purge attacks ‘bourgeois’and ‘revisionist’ elements in the CCP. Chinese agriculture continues toimprove, while scientific advances include the world’s first synthesis ofprotein (insulin) and benzene.
1967: Great Proletarian Culture Revolution develops intoan attack on Liu Shao-ch’i, chairman of government and former first deputyParty leader, as foremost among ‘those in the Party in authority who are takingthe capitalist road.’ Profound intraparty struggle intensifies.
      As the GPCRtook foreign political experts on Chinaby complete surprise, so China’**plosion of a hydrogen bomb—twenty-six months after atomic fission wasachieved—nonplusses foreign military and scientific savants. The same step hadtaken the US more than sevenyears; France,after eight years of effort, had yet to test its first H-Bomb.
Dean Rusk, US secretaryof State, appeals for world sympathy for Johnson’s armed intervention andmassive bombing in Vietnamas necessary in order to contain ‘a billion Chinese armed with nuclear weapons’.But no European power offers to help Rusk. China’sown official policy still calls for an international agreement to destroy allnuclear weapons—an invitation ignored by the US. On 19 December, in a message toVietnam’sNational Liberation Front presidium, Mao advises ‘the fraternal SouthVietnamese people’ to ‘rest assured that your struggle is our struggle’.

1961年:在第22界莫斯科苏维埃政党大会上,当赫鲁晓夫拒绝阿尔巴尼亚共产党后,周恩来也走出了会场。北京方面使用1960年出版的《**选集》第四卷强势宣传**的反对修正主义论文“真正的马克思列宁主义”。中国更换了在阿尔巴尼亚的顾问。柏林墙建成。
1962年:中苏国家及党派冲突预示着广泛的国际意识形态斗争。肯尼迪同赫鲁晓夫在古巴角逐。赫鲁晓夫从古巴撤回导弹后,北京讥讽其为“军事冒险主义”和“投降主义”。中印边界冲突以中国方面的军事攻势达到顶峰,印军被从3万5千平方里的所谓“领土”上驱逐出境。中**队撤军,单方面建立了“非军事区域”呼吁和平谈判。 联合国介入刚果。
1960年至1963年:随着“大跃进”,苏联撤援和自然灾害给中国经济造成破坏的过去,中华人民共和国从几近饥荒的状态下开始恢复。
1963年:为了最后挑战北京方面关于通过国际军事激进方式建立“反美帝国主义国际统一战线”之要求,美苏签订了《禁止核试验条约》创建了“和平共处”红衣主教式的苏联外交模式。中苏**已反映在许多国家的党内冲突中。双方的互相指责由于中国共产党和苏联共产党双方面相互公开出版揭示历史矛盾冲突、历史上对对方的谴责和反驳而进一步深化。北京提高了在亚、非、拉第三世界革命武装中的意识形态领导地位;苏联力求追随欧洲派别。周恩来总理访问非洲国家。**签署申明呼吁“世界人民团结起来反对美帝国主义”支持美国黑人运动。肯尼迪遇刺。
1964年:中苏党派关系和国家关系彻底崩溃,随着法国对中国的承认,中国同共产主义阵营的**与同西方的**并存。中国同时进攻两大阵营:美帝国主义阵营和苏联修正主义阵营—在**两大阵营过程中取得了部分成功。连续两年的大丰收,同欧洲建立贸易往来以及日本对中国经济进行了巩固。外交部长陈毅公开质疑中苏军事同盟的价值。中国再也不指望苏联的援助。**要求日本社会民主党从苏联手中讨回被占领土并谴责苏联帝国主义入侵中国领土。
经过15年的革命、团结和现代化建设,中国的成果被广泛认可甚至得到了敌人的承认。中国虽然被排除在联合国之外,其同苏联的斗争使得中国成为一种美国不得不通过谈判与之解决东南亚矛盾的力量(根据戴高乐将军的谈话)。中国经历了一个世纪的积贫积弱和饱受屈辱,**作为一个亚洲地区的领导力量吸引了世界的关注和追随。中国爆炸了第一颗原子弹。
  美国支持下的南越政府被不断壮大的民族解放阵线严重挫败,在中立主义同和平主义因素下濒临瓦解。
1965年:约翰逊总统一月就职宣誓后派遣美国战斗武装部队进入越南阻止西贡的和平势力实施**。北京宣布如果胡志明总统要求,北京做好了介入支持越南民主主义人民共和国之准备。2月约翰逊命令对北约实施狂轰滥炸。然而在本书作者一月对**的专访中,他宣称中国遭到美方直接的军事攻击。7月,中国国防部长**发表声明:“人民战争胜利万岁!”号召不发达国家在近乎世界边缘地区团结起来加入反抗欧美帝国主义势力的行列,称这些国家为世界的“城市”。
中国爆炸了第二颗原子弹。
第47界联大47次会议投票表决认同中华人民共和国的联大席位问题,英国第一次投了赞成票。因缺乏广泛支持,该次表决仍然没有通过。
1966年:美国在越南的武装部队达到50万人,美国在对北越的轰炸中只避免了寥寥几个目标,比如河内市区和海防。苏联向北越援助了飞机、武器和技术人员。中国援助了轻武器和食品。
**在中国发动了“**”,**宣称其为**“最亲密的战友。”中国做好了抵御美国入侵的准备。中国共产党内部对“资产阶级倾向”和“修正主义”进行了严厉批判。中国农业持续丰收。科技方面的进展包括合成胰岛素和苯的制造。
1967年:**展开了对**的进攻,他当时是国家主席和党的副书记,被批判为“党内走资本主义路线权威”的急先锋。深刻的党内政治斗争不断激化。
正当**的异化政策于全中国令人震惊地遍布之时,中国在原子弹核裂变成功之后26个月成功地进行了氢弹核聚变爆炸。这迷惑了国外的军事科技学者。同样的过程在美国历经了7年,在法国历经了8年。
美国国务卿迪安·腊斯克 要求国际社会对约翰逊总统出兵介入越南和对越南的大轰炸给予同情,说这一举措为的是“牵制中国用核武器武装起来的百万大军”但没有欧洲国家支持腊斯克。中国的官方政策还是在呼吁国际协定销毁全部核武器。这一要求被美国忽略。11月19号在给越南民族解放阵线主席团的一份信息中**说到:“兄弟般的南越人民请确信,你们的斗争就是我们的斗争!”
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1968: In January the USnaval reconnaissance or spy ship Pueblo is boardedoff the North Koreacoast by North Korean naval personnel and seized with its crew and officers.Public opposition to the Vietnam War and a South—East Asia policy more and moredemonstrably a political failure convinces the highest ruling circles of the USthat the loses of men and treasure have reached a level endangering thestability of the whole Establishment. President Johnson tacitly assumes responsibilitywhen he announces his withdrawal from candidacy for re—election. Bombing of North Vietnamis halted and US—Vietnamese peace conversations begin in Pa-is. Richard Nixonis elected President with a pledge to end American involvement in war in South—EastAsia.
1969: The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China nears a culminatingstage, following army intervention in factional disputes, the restoration oforder, and break—up of Red Guard organizations dispersed to work in factory,farm, public enterprises, or at school. The CCP summons a Ninth Party Congresswhere a new constitution is adopted and Lin Piao is formally named ‘close comrade-in-armsand successor’ to Mao Tse-tung.
Economic production, interrupted by theGPCR, recovers and scores some advances. Millions of Party cadres **re-education in May Seventh Schools where Mao Tse-tung Thought more than everprovides the scripture and guide to action for the whole nation. Partyrebuilding in preparation for the adoption of a new National (Congress)constitution based on a three—way alliance of ‘reliable Party cadres, representativesof mass organizations, and responsible military leader’s’ preoccupies political life as momentum in a productiondrive gains pace. Sino-Soviet border clashes increase tension; China also vigilantly watches Nixon’s attemptedat ‘Vietnamization’ of the war by US-backed Saigonmilitarists and bureaucrats. Ho Chi Minch dies, and Chinarenews assurances of Solitary with North Vietnam. Parispeace talks drags as Nixon slowly reverses the USwar machine in South Vietnam.
China actively re-enters world diplomacy in a drive toestablish herself as a peer of the nuclear superpowers.
1970: Lon Nol, chief of the Cambodian army, overthrowsPrince Sihanouk and his leadership, and the latter sets up a regime in exile inPeking. Nixon sends Vietnamese and Americantroops to Lon Nol’s aid but widespread criticism compels Nixon to limit US involvement.On 20 May Mao Tse-tung calls for a world united front against US imperialism,and pledges China’s supportto a new Hannoi—NLF (Vietcong)—Cambodia(Sihanouk)—Laosalliance. Mao declares that the danger of a new world war still exists, ‘butthe main trend is towards revolution’.
     In Paris the USstill refuses to accept Hanoi’s terms whichdemand total and unconditional USwithdrawal.
     By the yearend Premier Chou En—Lai has concluded treaties of recognition with Canada and Italy,followed by half a dozen other powers formerly restrained by US influence.Early seating of the CPR as the sole representative of the Chinese people inthe UN seems likely by not later than 1972.
1971: Nixon authorizes an ‘incursion’ by Vietnamesetroops into Laos, heavily assisted by US logistic and air power, aimed to cutroutes used by North Vietnam troops to supply Vietcong and Cambodia troopsresisting Saigon—US operations. A speedy retreat from Laosdemonstrates failure of Vietnamization to contain internal revolutionaryforces. Under continued pressure from antiwar sentiment and mounting economicand fiscal problems in internal and world markets, Nixon continues moves, begunin 1970, to end the trade embargo and restrictions on travels by US table—tennisteam to visit Peking and play there. Visas are given to US newsmen to coverthat event. Mao Tse-tung’s interview with the author American gestures byinviting to Chinasome Americans from ‘left, middle and centre’, and Mao adds that he personallywould welcome a visit by President Nixon.
The tide towards a US-China détente—with the likelihoodof the PRC taking its seat in the Security Council of the UN, and the return toChina of sovereignty in the island of Taiwan—now seems irreversible. Bymid-year Congress mounts ever-increasing pressure for a pledge by Nixon towithdrawal all US troops from Vietnamby mid-1972 if not earlier. Revelations of the published Pentagon **—agovernment—ordered report on the origins, causes, and conduct of the Vietnamadventure—fuel public opinion to an unprecedented degree and benefit Nixon byseemingly casting all blame for the Vietnam disaster on former administrations.
1968年:1月美国海军侦察船或称普韦布洛间谍船被北朝鲜海军军人迫停于北朝鲜海岸,美船员和军官被俘获。反对美国发动的越南战争和推行的东南亚政策之公众呼声越来越高,越战已无可争辩地被证明为一项美国最高统治集团的政治失策。美本身遭受的财产和人员损失已达到威胁其自身稳定程度。约翰逊总统撤出了二次竞选名单心照不宣地承担该责任。对越南的轰炸停了下来。美越和平对话在巴黎举行。理查德·尼克松被选为美国总统,他宣布终止美国在东南亚的战争。
1969年:中国的**达到了顶峰,接着是小规模武斗,社会秩序恢复。**组织瓦解人员分离到工厂、农场、公共企业或学校工作。中国共产党召开第九次代表大会,采纳了新宪法。**被正式称为**“最亲密的伙伴和继承者。”
被**阻断的经济开始恢复并取得一些进展。数百万党员在五七干校进行了再教育。**思想成为圣典并成为全国的行动纲领。为实现三项原则基础上的新宪法党进行了重组,该三项原则为:“可靠的党员干部,广泛的代表性和负责任的军事领袖。”这一运动在政治生活中占据领导地位其势头就像生产发展一样。中苏边界冲突激化。中国仍然在警惕地观察着尼克松对美国支持下南越西贡军事政权“战争越南化”行动之对应举措。胡志明逝世。中国不断单方面向北越表示支持。巴黎和谈被拖延,尼克松慢慢保留着美国在南越的战争机器。
中国积极重入世界外交领域,努力将自己保留在“核贵族”超级力量行列。
1970年:柬埔寨军队总指挥诺尔颠覆了西哈努克亲王的领导权。后者在北京建立了**政府。尼克松派遣美越联合部队去支持诺尔,在广泛谴责下,尼克松限制了介入规模。5月20日**号召全世界团结起来形成反美帝国主义统一战线并向河内越共—柬埔寨西哈努克—老挝联合战线给予国家支持。**宣布新世界大战危机依旧存在“但总的趋势趋向革命。”
   在巴黎,美国依然拒绝接受越南提出的和解条款,条款要求美国彻底无条件撤军。
     年底,周恩来总理同加拿大和意大利相互认可了协议,紧接着又有五六个先前受到美国限制的国家同中国达成协议。先期认同中华人民共和国为中国在联合国唯一合法代表的决议有望在不迟于1972年通过。
1971年:尼克松授权越南军队入侵老挝,由美国空军提供大部分后勤支援。行动意在切断越南向反抗美国—西贡联军的部队提供支援的路线。从老挝快速撤军意味着用内部革命来实现“战争越南化”的倾向失败了。持续的反战压力下世界市场出现经济财政危机。从1970年开始尼克松不断行动要结束对中国的贸易禁运,取消禁止美国乒乓球队访问北京友谊比赛的禁令。美国新闻记者被给予签证前来中国报道乒乓球比赛。**会见本书作者,美国示意中国邀请一些美国“左,中,右”派人物访华,**加上一条要特别个人邀请尼克松总统访华。
     当时,中美关系改善,中国恢复在联合国安理会席位以及中国恢复台湾主权看上去都不可逆转。美半年度国会上尼克松总统不断施压要求最迟1972年6月以前从越南撤出所有美军。根据美国五角大楼公开报告—美国现政府要求对越战冒险的起源,造成原因以及越战中的行为做出政府调查报告。这使得公众舆论大爆发,尼克松似乎要将整个越战灾难全部归罪于前政府从而自身得益。


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 楼主| 发表于 2016-11-4 09:30 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-11 14:33 编辑

                                                                                      A Note on Chinese Pronunciation
It is not necessary to strangle over the pronunciation of Chinese names if one observes a few ** rules in the rather arbitrary but workable Wade—Giles System of transliteration (Romanization) of the language into English. Each Chinese character represents only one sound and homonyms are innumerable. Chinese is mono-syllabic, but combinations of characters in the spoken language may form a single idea or equivalent of one foreign word, and thus in a sense the spoken language is polysyllabic. Chinese surnames come first, given names (usually two words) follow, as in Teng Hsiao-p’ing. Aspirates are represented in this book by apostrophes; they indicate a soft consonant sound. Examples:
Chi (as in Chi Chao-t’ing) is pronounced “Gee’, but Ch’i (as in Liu Shao-ch’i) sounds like ‘Chee’. Ch’in is exactly our ‘chin’.
Chu is like ‘Jew’, in Chu-teh, but Chu equals ‘Chew’.
Tsung is ‘dzung’; ts’ung with the ‘ts’ as in ‘Patsy’
Tai is word sound ‘die’; T’ai—‘tie’.
Pai is ‘buy’ and P’ai is ‘pie’
Kung is like ‘Gung’(-a Din); K’ung with the ‘k’ as in ‘kind’.
J is the equivalent of ‘r’ but roll it, as rrrun.
H before an s, as in his, is the equivalent of an aspirate but is often dropped, as in Sian for Hsian. One may ignore the ‘h’ and still be understood.
Single Chinese words are always pronounced as monosyllables. Thus: Chiang is not ‘Chee-yi-ang’ but a single sound, ‘Geeang’. Mao is not ‘May-ow’ but pronounced like a cat’s ‘miaow’ without the ‘I’, Chou En-lai is ‘Joe Un-lie’, but the last syllable of his wife’s given name, Ying-ch’ao, sounds like ‘chow’.
Vowels in Chinese are generally short or medium, not long and fat. Thus Tang sounds like ‘dong’, never like our ‘tang’. T’ang is ‘tong’.
a as in father. There is also a ‘ü’in German and an ‘ê’ as in French. I have omitted Wade’s umlaut and circumflex markings, which are found in European latinizations of Chinese.
e-run
eh-hen
i-see
ih-her
o-look
ou-go
u-soon
These sounds indicate Chinese as spoken in kou-yu, the northern (Peking, mandarin) speech, which is now the national language, taught in all schools. Where journalism has already popularized misspellings or variants in other dialects, such as Chiang Kai-shek for Chiang Chieh-shih, etc. I have followed the familiar version.
Chinese words frequently encountered in place names are:
Sheng-province; hsien-county; hsiang-township; ching(or king)-capital; ch’eng-city; ts’un-village; chiang(kiang)-great river; ho—lake; k’ou-mouth; pei-north; nan-south; tung-east; his(or si)-west; chung-central shan-mountain.
Such words combine in the following examples:
Peking (properly, pei-ching, pronounced ‘Bay-ging’), meaning ‘nor-thern capital’, Peking was renamed ‘Pei-p’ing (Peiping or, erroneously, Peping), ‘northern peace’ (or tranquility), by the Kuomintang regime, which made its seat in Nanking (southern capital), but the historic name remained in general use and was formally restored in 1949.
      Shangtung means East of the mountains.
      Shansi-West of the mountains.
      Hankow—Mouth of the Han (river)
      Sian—Western Peace (tranquility)
      Hopei—North of the (Yellow) river.
      Hunan—South of the lakes.
      Yunnan—South of the clouds.
      Kiangsi—West of the river.

                                          关于中文发音的一些注解
      看过韦氏汉语罗马化转换体系的人不难知道,虽然韦氏规则有些生硬却再也不需要为汉语地名人名的发音而纠结。每个中文汉字都是单音节的,还有不可计数的同音字。汉字虽为单音节却往往能用一个单词表达汉语口语中一串字符所表达的意义。如此汉语口头语言又有多音节的特征。汉语中姓氏在前,名字在后通常由两个汉字组成。比如**:邓是姓氏,小平为名字。本书用分隔号代表间歇音。间歇音由一个弱读辅音构成。例如:
齐超廷(Chi Chao-t’ting)中姓氏的发音近似于英语‘Gee’ ,但**(Liu Shao-ch’i)中最后一个汉字的发音近似于英语‘Chee’. 如此Ch’i这个发音就成了英语单词‘chin’(下巴)的发音。
朱德(Chu-teh)中‘朱’的发音近似于单词‘chew’(咀嚼)。
“中”(Tsung)读作‘dzung’ ‘ts’的发音同‘Patsy’(帕奇)中 ‘ts’组合类似。
“泰”(Tai)听起来像英语中的 ‘die’(死亡) 或‘tie’(纽带)
“派”(Pai)像‘buy’(购买) 而P’ai像‘pie’(馅饼)
“功”听起来像‘Gung’(a Din 吵闹) “控”听起来 ‘k’的发音就像‘kind’(种类)中 ‘k’的发音类似。
J 相当于英语语音中的‘r’ 但要卷舌。
在s前面的H 如Hsi 相当于一个省略的间歇音。如Sian可拼写为Hsian. H可以被省略却依旧可以理解。
中国汉字都为单音节发音,如此“蒋”不读作‘Chee-yi-ang’ 而是一气呵成读作 ‘Geeang’. “毛”不读作‘May-ow’ 而是读成像一声猫叫似的‘miaow’ 除去 ‘i’这个音节。“周恩来”读作‘Joe Un-lie’, 但他妻子名字中“颖超”的“超”听起来像‘chow’.
汉字中元音的发音主要为短元音和中元音,而不是长元音或扁元音。如此“唐”听起来像‘dong’, 而不像英语中的‘tang’. T’ang 读作‘tong’.
Father 中的 a  德语中也有类似的‘ü’,法语中有类似的‘ê’。我忽视了元音中的变音和声调符号。在中文的欧洲拉丁化上常常发生此类问题。
e—run
eh—hen
i—see
ih—her
o—look
ou—go
u—soon
      这些音节为中文国语的发音,中国的北方话(北京话,普通话),而今已成为了国语在学校中传授。然而新闻中的拼写错误或地方话变音却很普遍。比如“蒋介石”被拼写为Chiang Kai-shek 而不是 “Chiang Chieh-shih”等等。我也就跟随了这种熟悉的拼法。
中文在地名上常常遇到如下拼写:
省(sheng) 县(hsien)乡(hsiang)京(ching 或king)城(ch’eng)村(ts’un)长江(chiang kiang)河(ho)湖(hu)口(k’ou)北(pei)南(nan)东(tung)西(his)中(chung)山(shan)
       这些拼写在如下例子中组合:
       北京(peking)也许当读作‘Bay-ging’ 意为北边的首都。北京后来又被重命名为北平(pei-ping, peiping 或误为Peping)意为北方在国民党统治下和平或安宁。而国民党定都南京(NanJing) 意为南边的首都。1949年中国历史上的地名大多保留原貌。
山东(Shangtung)意为山的东边。
山西(Shansi)意为山的西边
汉口(Hankow)汉江的入口。
西安(Xian)西边平安
河北(Hopei)黄河之北
湖南(Hunan)湖泊的南边
云南(Yunnan)云的南边
江西(Kiangsi)赣江的西边。

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 楼主| 发表于 2017-7-25 13:08 | 显示全部楼层
向前向前向前!
我们的队伍向太阳,
脚踏着祖国的大地,
背负着民族的希望,
我们是一支不可战胜的力量。
我们是人民的子弟,
我们是人民的武装,
从无畏惧,
绝不屈服,
英勇战斗,
直到把**派消灭干净,
**的旗帜高高飘扬。
听!
风在呼啸军号响,
听!革命歌声多嘹亮!
同志们整齐步伐奔向解放的战场,
同志们整齐步伐奔赴祖国的边疆,
向前
向前!
我们的队伍向太阳,
向最后的胜利,
向全国的解放!
向前向前向前!
我们的队伍向太阳,
脚踏着祖国的大地,
背负着民族的希望,
我们是一支不可战胜的力量。
我们是工农的子弟,
我们是人民的武装,
从无畏惧,
绝不屈服,
英勇战斗,
直到把**派消灭干净,
**的旗帜高高飘扬。
听!
风在呼啸军号响,
听!
革命歌声多嘹亮!
同志们整齐步伐奔向解放的战场,
同志们整齐步伐奔赴祖国的边疆,
向前
向前!
我们的队伍向太阳,
向最后的胜利,
向全国的解放!
冲啊!!
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 楼主| 发表于 2017-7-29 07:25 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-11 15:56 编辑

工农兵联合起来
工农兵联合起来向前进,万众一心.
工农兵联合起来向前进,消灭敌人.
我们勇敢,我们奋斗,
我们团结,我们前进,
杀向那帝国主义**派的大本营.
最后胜利一定属于我们工农兵.
工农兵联合起来向前进,万众一心.
工农兵联合起来向前进,消灭敌人.
我们勇敢,我们奋斗,
我们团结,我们前进,
杀向那帝国主义**派的大本营.
最后胜利一定属于我们工农兵.
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 楼主| 发表于 2017-7-29 07:25 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-11 15:57 编辑

八月桂花遍地开
鲜红的旗帜竖啊竖起来
张灯又结彩呀
张灯又结彩呀
光辉灿烂闪出新世界.
(你看那)红军队伍真威风,
百战百胜最英勇
粉碎了蒋贼的大围攻

你看那一杆红旗飘在空中
红军队伍要过冲
保卫工农新政权
带领群众闹革命
红军战士最光荣

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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-10 09:57 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-12 20:38 编辑

                                                                                               Part One           IN SEARCH  OF RED CHINA

                                                                                                             Ⅰ
                                                                                        Some Unanswered Questions
          During my seven years in China, hundreds of questions had been asked about the Chinese Red Army, the Soviets, and the Communist movement. Eager partisans could supply you with a stock of ready answers, but these remained highly unsatisfactory. How did they know? They had never been to Red China.
          The fact was that there had been perhaps no greater mystery among nations, no more confused an epic, than the story of Red China. Fighting in the very heart of the most populous nation on earth, the Celestial Reds had for nine years been isolated by a news blockade as effective as a stone fortress. A wall of thousands of enemy troops constantly surrounded them; their territory was more inaccessible than Tibet. No one had voluntarily penetrated that wall and returned to write of his experiences since the first Chinese soviet was established in south-eastern Hunan, in November 1927.
         Even the **st points were disputed. Some people denied that there was such a thing as Red Army. There were only thousands of hungry brigands. Some denied even the existence of soviets. They were an invention of Communist propaganda. Yet Red sympathizers extolled both as the only salvation for all the ills of China. In the midst of this propaganda and counterpropaganda, credible evidence was lacking for dispassionate observers seeking the truth. Here are some of the unanswered questions that interested everyone concerned with politics and the quickening history of the Orient:
          Was or was not this Red Army of China a mass of conscious Marxist revolutionaries, disciplined by and adhering to a centralized programmed and a unified command under the Chinese Communist Party? If so, what was that program? The communists claimed to be fighting for agrarian revolution, and against imperialism, and for soviet democracy and national emancipation. Nanking said that the Reds were only a new type of vandals and marauders led by ‘intellectual bandits.’ Who was right? Or was either one?
         Before 1927, members of the Communist Party were admitted to the Kuomingtang, but in April of that year there began a great ‘purgation’. Communists, as well as unorganized radical intellectuals and thousands of organized workers and peasants, were executed on an extensive scale under Chiang Kai-shek, the leader of a Right coup d’etat which seized the power, to form a ‘National Government’ at Nanking. Since then it had been a crime punishable by death to be a Communist sympathizer, and thousands of peasants, workers, students, and soldiers joined the Red Army in armed struggle against the military dictatorship of the Nanking regime. Why? What inexorable force drove them on to support suicidal political opinions? What were the fundamental quarrels between the Kuomingtang and the Kungch’antang?
         What were the Chinese Communists like? In what way did they resemble, in what way were they unlike, communists or Socialists elsewhere? The tourist asked if they wore long beards, made noises with their soup, and carried homemade bombs in their briefcases. The serious-minded wanted to know whether they were ‘genuine’ Marxists. Did they read Capitol and the works of Lenin? Had they a thoroughly Socialist economic program? Were they Stalinites or Troskyites? Was their movement really an organic part of the world Revolution? Were they true internationalists? ‘Mere tools Moscow’, or primarily nationalists struggling for an independent China?
         Who were these warriors who had fought so long, so fiercely, so courageously, and—as admitted by observers of every color, and privately among Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek’s own followers—on the whole so invincibly? What made them fight like that? What held them up? What wasthe revolutionary basis of their movement? What were the hopes and aims and dreams that had made of them the incredible stubborn warriors—incredible compared with the history of compromise that is China—who had endured hundreds of battles, blockade, salt shortage, famine, disease, epidemic, and finally the Long March of 6,000 miles, in which they crossed twelve provinces of China, broke through thousands of Kuomingtang troops, and triumphantly emerged at last into a new base in the North—West?
     Who were their leaders? Were they educated men with a fervent belief in an ideal, an ideology, and a doctrine? Social prophets, or mere ignorant peasants blindly fighting for an existence? What kind of man was Mao Tse-tung, No. 1 ‘Red bandit’ on Nanking’s list, for whose capture, dead or alive, Chiang Kai-shek offered a reward of a quarter of a million silver dollar? What was Chu Tech like-the commander-in-chief of the Red Army, whose life had the same value to Nanking? What about Lin Piao, the twenty-eight-year-old Red tactician whose famous Red Army Corps was said never to have suffered a defeat? Where did he come from? Who were the many other Red leaders repeatedly reported dead, only to reappear in the news—unscathed and commanding new forces against the Kuomingtang?
          What explained the Red Army’s remarkable record of resistance for nine years against vastly superior military combinations? Lacking and industrial base, big cannon, gas, airplanes, money, and the modern techniques which Nanking had utilized in its wars against them, how had these Reds survived, and increased their following? What military tactics did they use? How were they instructed? Who advised them? Were there some Russian military geniuses among them? Who led the outmanoeuvring, not only if all Kuomingtang commanders sent against them but also of Chiang Kai-shek’s large and expensive staff of German advisers, headed first by General von Seeckt and later by general von Falkenhausen?
         What was Chinese soviet like? Did the peasants support it?

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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-10 14:24 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-21 16:21 编辑

                                                                               第一部  寻找中华苏维埃               
                                                                                                        1
                                       关于一些不得而知的问题  
    我在中国生活的7年里,数百个有关中国红军,中华苏维埃和中国共产主义运动的问题被提了出来。热忱的党派主义者会向你提供一系列现成答案,但那些回答都很不令人满意。他们从来就没有去过中国苏区又怎能了解呢?
    实际上没有哪个国家曾经有过比中国苏区更加神秘或更加令人难以琢磨的故事—如同史诗一般。红军的天兵们在我们这个星球上人口最稠密国家的核心地带战斗,却被壁垒一样密不透风的**有效隔绝了9年。他们被数万敌兵一刻不停地包围着,苏区比青藏高原还要难以到达。自从1927年11月中国第一个苏维埃组织在其东南部的湖南省成立以来,就没有人自愿去突破壁垒并回来写下他的经历。
    关于红军,即便在一些最基本的观点上也存在争执。有人说根本不存在这样一支军队,只有数以万计饥饿中的土匪。甚至有人否定苏维埃政权的存在,说那些都是共产党在宣传里虚构的。然而同情**的人颂扬红军和苏维埃,说他们是将中国从众多弊病里拯救出来的唯一救星。如此争论下,中间派观察家们缺乏可信的证据去获得真相。每一名对政治和世界东方日趋活跃的历史运动感兴趣的人都存有这样一些疑问:
    中国红军真的是一群中国共产党统一指挥下服从中央有计划集中统一领导的有马克思主义觉悟的革命者吗?如果是这样的话,他们的计划又是什么呢?共产主义者宣称同帝国主义战斗为土地革命而战斗,同时也为了民族解放和苏维埃民主战斗。南京政府则说红军不过是些有知识的土匪们领导下的新形式的文化遗产破坏者和财富掠夺者。到底谁说的是真相?

        1927年以前国民党允许共产党党员加入其党派。可当年4月爆发了大规模清党运动。国民党右翼领导人蒋介石夺取领导权后,他为了在南京成立所谓的“国家政府”大规模**共产党员和并无组织的激进知识份子以及数以万计有组织的工人和农民。从那以后,共产主义同情者们会被苛以死刑,同时数以万计的工人、农民、学生和士兵加入了红军以武装斗争来反抗南京军事**政府。为什么会这样?是什么不可阻挡的力量驱使他们去支持那种政治观点而不顾近乎于自杀的危险?共产党和国民党之间发生了怎样的根本矛盾冲突呢?
    中国共产党员到底像什么人?他们同它国的共产党员或社会民主党员有哪些相像之处又有哪些不同?有些观光客问道:他们是否留着长胡子,喝汤的时候故意发出声响,公文包里还装着自制的炸弹?较真的人想知道,他们是否是纯正的马克思主义者,是否读过《资本论》以及列宁著作?他们是否有一个彻底的社会主义经济计划?他们是斯大林派还是托洛茨基派?他们的运动当真是世界革命运动的有机组成部分吗?他们是真正的国际主义者或仅仅作为“莫斯科的工具”亦或主要为一些为了国家独立而奋斗的民族主义者?

    这些长期以来英勇无畏,不屈不挠,猛烈战斗的红军战士们到底是谁?他们这些品质被持各种政治见解的人认可,甚至追随蒋介石的大元帅们也暗自承认红军总得来说是不屈不挠的。是什么在支撑着他们?是什么使得他们如此战斗?他们革命运动的基地在什么地方?是什么希望,什么目标,什么梦想使他们成为令人难以置信的坚定战士同中国任意一个妥协时期相比都更加令人难以置信地坚定。红军身经百战,又经历了封锁、盐荒、饥荒、疾病、传染病,还历经了两万五千里长征。长征中他们穿过了12个省份,突破了数十万国民党部队的围追堵截并最终胜利出现在中国大西北的新根据地。
     红军的领导者是哪些人?他们是些有着真诚理想,信仰和主义并接受过教育的人吗?亦或是些社会预言家,甚至不过些无知的农民为了自身生存而盲目战斗?蒋介石**榜首的**又是什么人?蒋介石愿赏25万光洋追铺此人,而且不管死活都要。红军总司令朱德又是什么人?他的命对南京政府来说同**一样值钱。那个年仅28岁的红军战术家**又怎样?他是哪里人?据说他指挥的著名红军军团从未吃过败仗。还有那些众多的红军将领们,不断有报道说他们已经死了,却又重新出现在新闻里毫发无损地率领新部队同国民党战斗。
    该如何解释9年以来红军面对军事上占有极大优势的敌对联盟却在抵抗中取得辉煌战绩?红军缺乏工业基地,缺少大炮、汽油、飞机和货币,也没有蒋介石围剿他们所使用的现代化技术。红军如何生存下来并扩大了队伍?红军使用了什么战术?他们如何被教导?谁在教导他们?其间有苏联的军事天才吗?谁领导红军在战略战术上战胜了不仅仅所有那些国民党派遣的将领们而且还有蒋介石花大价钱请来的庞大德**事顾问团?这个顾问团先由汉斯·冯·塞克特率领,后由冯·法尔肯豪森将军率领。  
     中华苏维埃又是什么?农民支持这个政权吗?

导读20世纪20年代末和30年代,世界正处于帝国主义统治最**的时期。世界先进技术手段和原始资本积累的理念下,资本家集团开始不满足于自身生活的奢侈,相互争夺霸权,最终导致了第二次世界大战法西斯集团的迅速扩张。同时帝国主义集团为了满足争霸需求对无产阶级实施敲骨汲髓的压榨。世界范围内的阶级矛盾迅猛升级,无产阶级为了求得生存的斗争和资本集团为了争霸的斗争上升为主要矛盾。国民党集团和中国共产党的根本矛盾就在于,国民党要加入世界帝国主义集团而共产党要为自身生存而战斗。中国的白色恐怖统治时期,国民党**一时盛极和世界的总体形势分不开。然而面对强大到貌似不可战胜的白色政权,红色政权为什么能够存在。答案还需要到《**选集》第一卷中去寻找?**在《中国的红色政权为什么能够存在》一文中明确指出,半殖民地半封建状态下的中国极为混乱。国际帝国主义争夺下的相互矛盾,国内军阀混战的相互矛盾,地方政权割据的相互矛盾使得白色统治并非铁板一块板般坚固。他们的相互利益冲突留下了大量红色政权存在的战略空间;他们的各自为战为红色政权的转移突破创造了条件。蒋介石试图团结的资本势力实际上从来没有被真正团结在一起过。红军的英勇善战本身又使得一切从自身利益出发近似于私人武装的蒋介石集团望而怯步。


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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-11 14:31 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-21 19:39 编辑

       What was a Chinese soviet like? Did the peasants support it?
       If not, what held it together? To what degree did the Reds carry out ‘socialism’ in districts where they had consolidated their power? Why hadn’t the Red Army taken big cities? Did this prove that it wasn’t a genuine proletarian-led movement, but fundamentally remained a peasant rebellion? How was it possible to speak of ‘communism’ or ‘socialism’ in China, where over 80 per cent of the population was still agrarian, where industrialism was still in infant garments—if not infantile paralysis?
         How did the Reds dress? Eat? Play? Love? Work? What were their marriage laws? Were women ‘nationalized’, as Kuomintang publicists asserted? What was a Chinese ‘Red factory’? A Red dramatic society? How did they organize their economy? What about public health, recreation, education, ‘Red culture’?
       What was the strength of the Red Army? Half a million, as the Comintern publications boasted? If so, why had it not seized power? Where did it get arms and munitions? Was it true that officers and men lived alike? If, as Generalissimo Chiang announced in 1935, Nanking had ‘destroyed’ the menace of Communist banditry’, what explain the fact that in 1937 the Reds occupied a bigger single unified territory (in China’s most strategic North—West) than ever before? If the Reds were finished, why did Japan demand, as the famous Third Point of Koki Hirota (Foreign Minister, 1933—6), that Nanking form an anti-Red pact with Tokyo and Nazi Germany ‘to prevent the bolshevization’ of Asia’? Were the Reds really ‘anti-imperialist’? Did they want war with Japan? Would Moscow support them in such a war? Or were their fierce anti-Japanese slogans only a trick and a desperate attempt to win public sympathy, the last cry of demoralized traitors and bandits, as the eminent Dr Hu Shih nervously assured his excited students in Peking?
       What were the military and political perspectives of the Chinese Communist movement? What was the history of its development? Could it succeed? And just what would such success mean to us? To Japan? What would be the effect of this tremendous mutation upon a fifth (some said a fourth) of the world politics? In world history? How would it affect the vast British, American, and other foreign investment in China? Indeed, had the Reds any ‘foreign policy’ at all?
       Finally, what was the meaning of the Communists’ offer to form a ‘national united front’ in China, and stop civil war?
       For some it had seemed ridiculous that not a single non-Communist observer could answer those questions with confidence, accuracy, or facts based on personal investigation. Here was a story of China, as news** correspondents admitted to each other between dispatches sent out on trivial side issues. Yet we were all woefully ignorant about it. To get in touch with Communists in the ‘White’ areas was extremely difficulty.
       Communists, over those heads hung the sentence of death, did not identify themselves as such in polite—or impolite—society. Even in the foreign concessions, Nanking kept a well paid espionage system at work. It included, for example, such vigilantes as C. Patrick Givens, former Red-chaser in the British police force of Shanghai’s International Settlement. Inspector Givens was each year credited with the arrest—and subsequent imprisonment or execution from the Settlement by the Kuomingtang authorities—of scores of alleged Communists, the majority of them between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five. He was only one of the many foreign sleuths hired to spy upon young Chinese radicals and hunt them down in their own country.
       We all knew that the only way to learn anything about Red China was to there. We excused ourselves by saying, ‘Mei yu fa-tszu’—‘it can’t be done.’ It was believed impossible. People thought that nobody could enter Red territory and come out alive.
       Then, in June 1936, a close Chinese friend of mine brought me news of an amazing political situation in North—West China—a situation which was later to culminate in the sensational arrest of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, and to change the current of Chinese history. More important to me then, however, I learned with this news of a possible method of entry to Red territory. It necessitated leaving at once. The opportunity was unique and not to be missed. I decided to take it and attempted to break a news blockade nine years old.
       It is true there were risks involved, though the reports later published of my death—‘killed by bandits’—were exaggerated. But against a torrent of horror stories about Red atrocities that had for many years filled the subsidized vernacular and foreign press of China, I had little to cheer me on my way. Nothing, in truth, but a letter of introduction to Mao Tse-tung, chairman of the Soviet Government. All I had to do was to find him. Through what adventures? I did not know. But thousands of lives had been sacrificed in these years of Kuomingtang-Communist wa**re. Could one foreign neck be better hazarded than in an effort to discover why? I found myself somewhat attached to the neck in question, but I concluded that the price was not too high to pay.
       In this melodramatic mood I set out.



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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-12 10:40 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-2-8 09:37 编辑

   如果农民不支持他们又是怎样凝聚起来的呢?在红色政权得到巩固的地区红军又怎样实行“社会主义”?红军为什么还没有占领大城市?这是否证明革命本身不是由纯粹无产阶级领导的,而在根本上依旧为是农民起义?在中国这个80% 人口为农业人口,工业即便没有患小儿麻痹症也还穿着襁褓的国家怎么可能提到“共产主义”或“社会主义”这样的词汇呢?
   红军吃什么?穿什么?如何娱乐?怎样工作?又怎样恋爱?他们的婚姻法是什么?是否真的像国民党宣传的一样“共产共妻”呢?中国的“红色工厂”又是什么?是个戏剧性的**社会吗?他们如何组织经济?公共卫生,娱乐,教育和其它红色文化又是个啥样?
   红军的力量有多大?真的象第三国际出版物宣传的那样有50万人吗?如果真有那么多人,为什么还没能够夺取政权呢?他们的武器和**来自何方?当官的当真和普通人一样生活?如果**蒋总司令说的那样“南京政府已经挫败了**威胁”,又如何解释红军在1937年占领了比以往任何年代都大的独立而统一的领地呢?而且这块领地还在中国最关键的西北地区。如果红军真的完了,日本为什么在著名的《广田第三点》中要求南京方面,东京方面和纳粹德国方面形成一个**条约“以防范亚洲的布尔什维克化”?广田于1933年至1936年任日本外相。红军真的反帝国主义吗?他们想打日本侵略者吗?莫斯科会在这场战争中支持他们吗?他们激进的抗日口号会不会仅仅是个计谋用来孤注一掷地赢得公众同情—士气低落叛国者及土匪们的最后呼声,就如同著名的胡适博士在北京神经质般地向激动的学生保证的那样?
   中国共产主义运动的军事和政治展望是什么?运动的发展史是什么?它会取得成功吗?若成功对我国将会意味着什么?对日本又将会意味着什么?这样的巨变对世界政治的五分之一体(有人说四分之一体)会产生怎样的影响?对英美和世界其它国家的在华巨额投资又有怎样的影响。其实问题在于红军真的有外交政策吗?
   最后我还想知道,中国共产党提议停止内战组成“抗日民族统一战线”到底是什么意思?
   其间的某些问题看上去有些荒谬,不是一名非共产主义观察家能够自信并准确回答的。他也不能用基于私人调查的事实来应对。我这有个中国故事,新闻工作者在流传中彼此认同后放在日常琐事版块发了。不幸的是我们几乎都忽略了:在白色恐怖地区想要接触到中国共产党员是件极为困难的事。
   无论在文明地区还是非文明地区,那些头上悬着死刑判决的共产党人不会确认自己的身份。即便在外交特权下,南京政府依旧留有待遇丰厚的间谍体系在运转。例如间谍中包括治安会成员C·帕德里克·吉文斯。他是英国上海国际清算组织的警察先前为一名追捕共产党员的人。吉文斯警员每年都有新的拘捕入账。随后被捕者被国民党当局判刑或杀害。大量自称共产党员的人年龄都在15岁至25岁。吉文斯不过是被雇佣的外国探子之一,探子们窥探中国年轻的激进主义份子并在他们自己的祖国猎杀掉。
   我们都知道,想了解中国苏区的任何事,唯一途径就是直接去那里。然而我们常自我解脱地说:“没有办法”认为那是件不可能完成的任务。人们想,没有人能进得了苏区并活着出来。
    随后在19361月,一名中国好朋友为我买了一份刊登着中国西北地区惊人政治形势的报纸。这一形势后来在轰动的蒋总司令被捕事件中达到**。西安事变改变了中国的历史潮流。更重要的是,我从这一则新闻里感到有了进入红军领地的可能。必须立即动身。形势特别,不能遗误。我决定抓住这个机会,尝试去打破长达9年的**。
    其间确实含有风险,虽然后来报道我被匪帮杀死的新闻是夸张的。然而逆着数年来充满了中国内外报纸号外栏潮水般的关于赤色恐怖暴行的故事,我一路上一点儿也兴奋不起来。我没有什么实质性的东西,只有一封写给苏维埃政府主席**的引荐信。我要做的一切就是找到**。我不知道将会经历怎样的险境。然而这些年来国共内战中牺牲了数以万计的生命。为了发现其间的原因,一颗洋人的头颅就比他们更值得瞻前顾后吗?我发现自己过于拘泥在性命问题上,却最终断定这不太算个大价钱。
       如此戏剧性的情绪下,我出发了。
导读:**在远隔重洋的美国,他关心中国的红色革命,其职业原因在于新闻工作者的身份。但他无法了解**状态下的中华苏维埃,所以才提出了一系列众多的问题。中华苏维埃和中国红色革命并非**和当时很多西方人理解的“纯粹的工业无产阶级”革命。正如**分析的一样,当时中国是农业大国,工农联合政权是中华苏维埃的本质特征。蒋介石集团的强大装备是依靠投降法西斯主义,甚至联合德日换来的。为了集团私利的统治。所以在世界帝国主义昌盛阶段,蒋介石通过投降帝国主义,其强大是必然的。但随着帝国主义之后在全世界的失败其失败也是必然的。

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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-13 10:38 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-14 16:59 编辑

                                                                                                                   2
                                                                                           Slow Train to ‘Western Peace’
       It was early June and Peking wore the green lace of spring, its thousands of willows and imperial cypress ** the Forbidden City a place of wonder and enchantment, and in many cool gardens it was impossible to believe in the China of breaking toil, starvation, revolution, and foreign invasion that lay beyond the glittering roofs of the palaces. Here well-fed foreigners could live in their own little never-never land of the whisky-and-soda, polo, tennis, and gossip, happily quite unaware of the pulse of humanity outside the great city’s silent, insulating walls—as indeed many did.
       And yet during the past year even the oasis of Peking had been invaded by the atmosphere of struggling that hovered over all China. Threats of Japanese conquest had provoked great demonstrations of the people, especially among the enraged youth. A few months earlier I had stood under the bullet-pitted Tartar Wall and seen 10,000 students gather, defiant of the gendarmes’ club-bings, to shout in a mighty chorus: ‘Resist Japan! Reject the demands of Japanese imperialism for the separation of North China from the South!’
       All Peking’s defensive masonry could not prevent reverberations of the Chinese Red Army’s sensational attempt to march through Shansi to the Great Wall—ostensible to begin a war against Japan for recovery of the most territories. This somewhat quixotic expedition had been promptly blocked by eleven divisions of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek’s crack new army, but that had not prevented patriotic students from courting imprisonment and possible death by massing in the streets and uttering the forbidden slogans: ‘Cease civil war! Cooperate with the Communists to resist Japan! Save China!’
      One midnight I climbed aboard a dilapidated train, feeling a little ill, but in a state of high excitement. Excitement because before me lay a journey of exploration into a land hundreds of years and hundreds of miles removed from the medieval splendors of the Forbidden City: I was bound for ‘Red China’. And a little ill because I had taken all the inoculations available. A microbe’s-eye view of my bloodstream would have revealed a macabre cavalcade; my arms and legs were shot with smallpox, typhoid, cholera, typhus, and plague germs. All five diseases were prevalent in the North—West. Moreover, alarming reports had lately told of the spread of bubonic plague in Shensi province, one of the few spots on earth where it was endemic.
        My immediate destination was Sianfu—‘Western Peace’. Sianfu was the capital of Shensi province, it was two tiresome days and nights by train to the south—west of Peking, and it was the western terminus of the Lunghai railway. From there I planned to go northward and enter the soviet districts, which occupied the very heart of Ta His-pei, China’s Great North-West. Lochuan, a town about 150 miles north of Sianfu, then marked the beginning of Red territory in Shensi. Everything north of it, except strips of territory along the main highways, and some points which will be noted later, was already dyed Red. With LoChuan roughly the southern, and the Great Wall the northern, extremities of Red control in Shensi, both the eastern and western Red frontiers were formed by the Yellow River. Coming down from the fringes of Tibet, the wide, muddy stream flows north-ward through Kansu and Ningsia, and above the Great Wall into the province of Suiyuan—inner Mongolia. Then after many miles of uncertain wandering towards the east it turns southward again, to pierce the Great Wall and form the boundary between the provinces of Shensi and Shansi.
        It was within this great bend of China’s most treacherous river that the soviets then operated—in northern Shensi, north—eastern Kansu, and south-eastern Ninghsia. And by a strange sequence of history this region almost corresponded to the original confines and unified themselves as a people, thousands of years ago.
        In the morning I inspired my travelling companions and found a youth and a handsome old man with a wisp of grey beard sitting opposite me, sipping bitter tea. Presently the youth spoke to me, in formalities at first, and then inevitably of politics. I discovered that his wife’s uncle was a railway official and that he was travelling with a pass. He was on his way back to Szechuan, his native province, which he had left seven years before. But he was not sure that he would be able to visit his home town after all. Bandits were reported to be operating near there.
         ‘You mean Reds?’
         ‘Oh, no, not Reds, although there are Reds in Szechuang, too. No, I mean bandits’
         ‘But aren’t the Reds, also bandits?” I asked out of curiosity. ‘The news**s always call them Red bandits or Communist bandits.’
         ‘Ah, but you must know that the editors must call them bandits because they are ordered to do so by Nanking,’ he explained, ‘If they called them Communists or revolutionaries that would prove they were Communists themselves .’
         ‘But in Szechuan don’t people fear the Reds as much as the bandits?”   
      “Well that depends. The rich men fear them, and the land-lord, and the officials and tax collectors, yes. But the peasants do not fear them. Sometimes they welcome them.’ Then he glanced apprehensively at the old man, who sat listening intently, and yet seeming not to listen. ‘You see,’ he continued, ‘the peasants are too ignorant to understand that the Reds only want to use them. They think the Reds really mean what they say.
        ‘But they don’t mean it?’
        ‘My father wrote to me that they did abolish usury and opium in the Sungpan(Szechuan), and that they redistributed the land there. So you see they are not exactly bandits. They kill too many people.’
         Then surprisingly the greybeard lifted his gentle face and with perfect composure made an astonishing remark. ‘Sha pu kou!’ he said. ‘They don’t kill enough!’ We both looked at him flabber-gasted.
         Unfortunately the train was nearing Chengchow, where I had to transfer to the Lunghai line, and I was obliged to break off the discussion. But I have ever since wondered with what deadly evidence this Confucian—looking old gentleman would have supported his startling contention. I wondered about it all the next day of travel, as we climbed slowly through the weird levels of loess hills in Honan and Shensi, and until my train—this one still new and very comfortable—rolled up to the new and handsome railway station at Sianfu.
          Soon after my arrival I went to call on General Yang Hu-Cheng, Pacification Commissioner of Shensi province. Until a couple of years before, General Yang had been undisputed monarch of those parts of Shensi not controlled by the Reds. A former bandit, he rose to authority via the route that had put many of China’s ablest leaders in office, and on the same highway he was said to have accumulated the customary fortune. But recently he had been obliged to divide his power with several other gentlemen in the North—West. For in 1935 the ‘Young Marshal’, Chang Hsueh-Liang, who used to be ruler of Manchuria, had brought his Tungpei(Manchurian) Army into Shensi, and assumed office in Sansifu as supreme Red chaser in these parts—Vice-Commander of the National Bandit—suppression Commission. And to watch the Young Marshal had come Shao Li-tzu, and acolyte of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. The Hon. Shao was Governor of Shensi.
          A delicate balance of power was maintained between these figures—and still others. Tugging strings behind all of them was the redoubtable Generalissimo himself, who sought to extend his dictatorship to the North—West and liquidate not only the Communist-led revolution but also the troops of old Yang Hu-ch’eng and young Chiang Hsueh—Liang, by the ** process of using each to destroy the other—three acts of a brilliant political—military drama the main stratagem of which Chiang evidently believed was understood only by himself. And it was that error in calculation—a little too much haste in pursuit of the purpose, a little too much confident in his adversaries’ stupidity—which was in a few months to land Chiang Kai-Shek a prisoner in Sianfu, at the mercy of all three.
          I found General Yang in a newly finished stone mansion, just completed at a cost of $ 50, 000. He was living in this many-chambered vault—the official home of the Pacification Commissioner—without a wife. Yang Hu-ch’eng, like many Chinese in this transitional period, was burdened with domestic infelicity, for he was a two-wife man. The first was the lily—footed wife of his youth, betrothed to him by his parents in Pucheng. The second, as vivacious and courageous a woman as Mme Chinag Kai-shek, was a pretty young mother of five children, modern and progressive, a former Communist, they said, and the girl that Young had chosen himself. It seemed, according to the missionaries, that when he opened his new home each of his wives had presented him with the same minimum demand. Each detested the other; each had borne him sons and had the right to be legal wife; and each resolutely refused to move into the stone mansion unless the other stayed behind.
          To an outsider the case looked **: a divorce or a third wife was the obvious solution. But General Yang had not made up his mind and so he still lived alone. His dilemma was a not made up his mind and so he still lived alone. His dilemma was a not uncommon one in modern China. Chiang Kai-shek had faced a similar issue when he married rich, American—educated Soong Mei-ling., who as a Methodist was not prepared to accept polygamy. Chiang had finally divorced his first wife (the mother of his son Ching-kuo) and pensioned off his two concubines. The decision was highly approved by the missionaries, who had ever since prayed for his soul. Nevertheless, this way out—a newfangled idea imported from the West—was still frowned upon by many Chinese. Old Yang, having risen from the people, was probable less concerned over the disposal of his soul than the traditions of his ancestors.  



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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-14 08:10 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-21 20:32 编辑

                                                  2         
                                          通向西部非战区的慢车
    这是一个六月初的日子,北京还披着春天的绿衣。紫禁城里的数万棵杨柳和柏树将它变成令人神往的地方,许多其它美丽的园林里也一样。难以相信,这些金碧辉煌的廊檐和宫殿之外中国正经历着难以支撑的苦难,饥饿及严峻的革命形势和外敌入侵。园林里养尊处优的外国人正在充溢着苏打水威士忌,充满了马球比赛、网球比赛和闲聊的小小极乐世界。他们快乐得几乎要忘掉了安宁大城市那隔绝的城墙外的人道主义状况—很多人确实这样过着日子。

    一年以来即便北京这座绿洲也被笼罩在华夏大地上的斗争氛围侵入。日本征服中国的威胁已激起了人民大**,特别在那些激愤的年轻人中。几个月前我曾站在弹痕累累历经暴行的城墙下,见到一万名学生聚集在那里无视宪兵的警棍齐声呐喊:“抗议日本!反对日本帝国主义将中国南北分割的要求!”
     北京所有的城防土石将们都不能阻止中国红军满怀激情地穿过陕西奔向长城的反响和尝试宣称要开始一场抵抗日本恢复一切领土的战争。这一有些如同堂吉诃德式的远征立刻就被蒋总司令派遣的11个新编精装师堵截了。但一切都不能阻止爱国学生们不顾入狱和可能面临的死亡聚集在大街上高喊被严禁的口号:“停止内战!联共抗日!拯救中华!”
     一天午夜,我爬上了一列破旧不堪的火车。虽感到有些不适,却情绪高昂。我的激动来自于前方铺着一条探索之路。它通向一块土地,离闪耀着中世纪光辉的紫禁城有数百里路也隔着数百年。我坐上了开往中华苏维埃的列车。有些不舒服是因为接种了一切可能的疫苗。若用显微镜看看我的血液,它一定会展示出一连串的抗体军团。我的胳臂和腿上注射了天花疫苗、伤寒疫苗、霍乱疫苗、斑疹伤寒疫苗和瘟疫疫苗。这五种传染病在大西北都很盛行。再则,还有报告警示陕西省最近传播着黑死病,那是个地球上仅极少地区才有的地方病。
          我首先得到达西安府,西安意味着西部的平安。从北京坐火车到这个西北城市要花上两天疲惫的旅程。西安也是陇海铁路的最西端。我计划从西安向北行走,进入苏区。苏区占据着大西北的核心地带。洛川是个在西安西北方向150里的县城,那个年代到了洛川就意味着到达了红色领地的边界。从洛川再向北一切都被染上了红色,除大路两侧的条块状土地外还有一些地方即将被染红。洛川大约是领地的南部边界,北部边界为长城,东西边界为河套地段的黄河。黄河从青藏高原边界流下来,宽宽的一河浊水向北流经甘肃和宁夏,流到长城又进了内蒙的绥远。又经过很多里路的向东徘徊再次转向南流。它穿越了长城形成一条陕西和山西的边界。
    就在这条中国最凶险河流的大拐弯处,苏维埃政府在陕西北部、甘肃东北部和宁夏东南部运转着。在奇怪的历史进程里,此一域数万年以前也圈定着原始的人类,他们团结在这一地区。早晨我激励起同行者们并发现有一名青年和一位长着一小撮灰白胡子的英俊老人坐在对面座位上啜茶。不一会儿,年轻人同我谈起了话。开始是寒暄,又不可避免地谈起政治。谈话中我发现他妻子的叔叔在铁道上工作,他有一张乘车证。此人正在回老家四川的途中,他离家已有7年之久,却并不确定会去走访家乡。据说家乡附近有匪患。
   “你说得是红军吗?”
   “不是,虽然四川也有红军,但我指的是土匪。”
   “红军不也是土匪吗?”我出于好奇地追问,“报纸上总称他们为**或**。”
   “这个嘛,你得知道编辑必须得称他们土匪,因为南京政府命令要这么做。”他解释到,“如果称为共产主义者或革命者,等于承认自己也是共产主义份子。”
    “可在四川人们害怕红军同害怕土匪一样吗?”
    “这个嘛,要看情况。是的,富人和地主们害怕,官员们和柯税者也怕。但农民不怕,甚至有时欢迎红军。”接着他担心地打量了一下老人。老人坐着专心致志地在听,又似乎没在听。“你明白吗?”那人接着说到,“农民们太愚钝了,不知道红军想用他们干什么,以为红军真像宣称的那样。”
    “红军不像宣称的那样么?”
    “父亲写信给我说,在松潘红军真的废除高利贷和鸦片。他们还重新分摊了土地。所以你知道,红军并不是真正的土匪。他们杀了很多人。”
    随后,灰白胡子老人出人意料地抬起头,出奇镇静地做了个惊人的评价:“杀不够!”老人说:“他们杀得还不够!”我两都目瞪口呆地望着他。
    不巧,列车即将到达郑州。我得在郑州转车上陇海线,便不得不打断交谈。可我一直在想这位看上去像孔夫子的温和老人到底有什么证据支撑他令人惊异的论点呢?第二天的旅程中,我一整天都在想这个问题。当列车缓缓驶上河南与陕西神奇的黄土高坡时我在想着,直到缓缓开进漂亮的西安府车站。这趟车还有些新也很舒服。
    一到西安我就去拜访杨虎成将军,他是陕西省调停委员会委员。直到几年前杨将军还是陕西省未被红军占领地区不可争议的统领。过去他也是匪帮,通过中国许多有才干领导者相同的途径登堂入室获得那一地位。人们说在同一条大道上他也惯例性地积累了财富。然而近来他不得不同西北其它一些绅士分享权力。因为1935年国民军剿总副总司令少帅张学良进驻西安府,他是那一区域追剿红军的最高统领,过去是满洲统治者,如今把他的东北军带到了陕西。为了监视张学良,邵力子也跟来了,他是蒋介石的贴身亲信。这个邵亲信当了陕西省长。
    这些人物之间保持着一种微妙的权力平衡,还有其他一些人掺和着。令人敬畏的蒋总司令是这一切的幕后操纵者。他正寻求在大西北伸展其**,不仅清算共产党领导下的革命运动还要清算杨虎成和杨学良这一老一少的部队。办法很简单让他们自相残杀。这出聪明的政治军事三角大戏是蒋介石的主要谋略,他显然相信只有自己能明白其间的玄妙。就在这样一种错误估算下,蒋在对目标的追求中过急了些。他过份相信敌手的愚昧。这一切使得蒋介石在几个月后于西安府沦为阶下囚,任凭三方支配。
    杨虎成将军住在一所刚竣工的砖石公寓里,只花了5万美元就建成了。他当时正住在那有很多隔间的拱梁之下,没有和妻子在一起。公寓也是和平委员会的官邸。杨虎成有两个老婆,他象过渡时期的很多中国人一样饱受国内垢弊。一个老婆是名小脚女人,在蒲城由父母定的亲。第二个老婆就像蒋夫人那样活泼开朗并有胆有识。人们说她是个年轻的母亲,有5个孩子,时尚进步,过去曾经当过产党员。这个女子是杨虎成自己选的。据传教士说,似乎新家开门的时候他的两个妻子只提出了最低要求。她俩之间相互仇视。每个老婆都为他生了儿子,享有合法夫妻的权力。俩人都拒绝移居那座砖石公寓,除非对方不进驻。
    对一名傍观者来说,这件事看上去很简单:离婚或找个三姨太就显而易见地解决了。但杨虎成将军并没有下定决心,因此还一个人过着日子。他的困境在现代中国并不少见。当蒋介石和接受美国教育富有的宋美龄结婚时也面临着类似的问题。宋美龄是个基督教卫理教派的**,她不接受一夫多妻制。最后,蒋介石同他的第一个老婆(蒋经国的母亲)离婚了,并给他的两个姨太太发了抚养金以结束关系。蒋的这一做法被传教士们高度认同,并从此为他的灵魂祈祷。然而这一出路一种从西方传来的新潮流思想,仍然使很多中国人皱起了眉头。老杨虎成是一个由平民成长起来的人。他不太会像祖先的成规中那样为自己灵魂的归属而担忧。

导读:红色作品中关键性词义褒贬的选择示例:ostensible 在网络词典意义上为“表面的”“假装的”。然而这是一个不可采用的选项。如果红军是假装向长城进军,假装要收复整个国土。那么同学生们:“联共抗日!”的口号相互违背。也不符合全篇作者的基本立场,产生严重矛盾分歧。在高阶词典中ostensible 还有一个意义是“宣称”如此“宣称”便成了可选项。**对红军从一点不了解开始,在旅途中首先通过接触过红军的乘客开始了认识。“红军杀过很多人”“杀得还不够”“富人,地主和苛税者害怕红军”“农民并不害怕,甚至还欢迎”“农民也不知道红军想要自己干什么”……红军是地主,黑暗社会和剥削阶级的敌人。红军杀的是些收高利贷者、黄世仁、毒贩、土豪劣绅、欺行霸市的黑势力、假冒伪劣卖假药棉之类唯利是图的奸商……“杀得还不够!”充分阐述了人民对这类势力的仇恨心理,也说明了那些投机者随时会东山再起,狗改不了吃屎地重操旧业。所以人民的怨愤又是暗自的怨愤。

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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-17 07:12 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-18 17:20 编辑


        And it must not be supposed that Yang’s early career as a bandit necessarily disqualified him as a leader. Such assumptions could not be made in China, where a career of banditry in early youth often indicated a man of strong character and purpose. A look at Chinese history showed that some of China’s ablest patriots were at one time or another labeled bandits. The fact was that many of the worst rogues, scoundrels, and traitors had climbed to power under cover of respectability, the putrid hypocrisy of Confucian maxims, and the priestcraft of the Chinese Classics—though they had very often utilized the good strong arm of an honest bandit in doing so.
        General Yang’s history as a revolutionary suggested a rugged peasant who might once have had high dreams of ** a big change in his world, but who, finding himself in power, looked vainly for a method, and grew weary and confused, listening to the advice of the mercenaries who gathered around him. But if he had such dreams he did not courteously delegated one of his secretaries to show me the city. He was also suffering from a severe headache and rheumatism when I saw him, and in the midst of his sea of troubles I was not one to insist upon asking him nettling questions. On the contrary, in his dilemma he had all my sympathy. So after a brief interview with him I discreetly retired, to seek some answers from the Honourable Governor, Shao Li-tuz.
        Governor Shao received me in the garden of his spacious yamen, cool and restful after the parching heat of Sian’s dusty streets. I had last seen him six years before, when he was Chiang Kai-shek’s personal secretary, and at that time he had assisted me in an interview with the Generalissimo. Since then he had risen rapidly in the Koumintang. He was an able man, well educated, and the Generalissimo had now bestowed upon him the honors of a governor, did not rule much beyond the provincial capital’s grey walls—the outlying territory being divided by General Yang and the Young Marshal.
        The Hon.Shao had once been a ‘Communist bandit’ himself. He had played a pioneer role in the Chinese Communist Party. In those days it was fashionable to be a Communist and nobody was very sure exactly what it meant, except that many bright young men were Communists. Later on he had recanted; after 1927 it had become very clear what it meant, and one could have one’s head removed for it. Shao then became a devout Buddhist, and subsequently displayed no further signs of heresy. He was one of the most charming gentlemen in China.
       ‘How are the Reds getting along?’I asked him.
       ‘There are not many left. Those in Shensi are only remnants.’
       ‘Then the war continues?’ I asked.
       ‘No, at present there is little fighting in north Shensi. The Reds are moving into Ninghsia and Kansu. They seem to want to connect with Outer Mongolia.’
He shifted the conversation to the situation in the South-West, where insurgent generals were then demanding an anti-Japanese expedition. I asked him whether he thought China should fight Japan. ‘Can we?’ he demanded. And then the Buddhist governor told me exactly what he thought about Japan—not for publication—just as every Kuomingtang official would then tell you his opinion of Japan—not for publication.
       A few months after this interview poor Shao was to be put on the spot on this question of war with Japan—along with his Generalissimo—by some rebellious young men of Marshal Chang Hsueh-liang’s army, who refused to be reasonable and take ‘maybe some day’ for an answer any longer. And Shao’s diminutive wife—a returned student from Moscow and a former Communist herself—was to be cornered by some of the insurrectionists and make a plucky fight to resist arrest.
       But Shao revealed no premonition of all this in our talk, and, an exchange of views having brought us perilously near agreement, it was time to leave. I had already learned from Shao Li-tzu what I wanted to know. He had confirmed the word of my Peking informant, that fighting had temporarily halted in north Shensi. Therefore it should be possible to go to the front, if properly arranged.

                                                                                                                3
                                                                                                 Some Han Bronzes
    Some six months after my arrival in Sianfu thecrisis in the North—West was to explode in a manner nobody had anticipated, sothat the whole world was made dramatically aware of an amazing alliance betweenthe big army under Marshal Chang Hsueh-liang and the ‘bandits’ whom he had been ordered, as deputy commander-in-chief of the Communists-Suppression Force, todestroy. But in June 1936, the outside world was still in complete ignorance of these strange developments, and even in the headquarters of Chiang Kai-shek’sown Blueshirt gendarmes, who controlled the Sianfu police, nobody knew exactly what was taking place. Some 300 commuists were imprisoned in the city’s jail, and the Blueshirts were hunting for more. An atmosphere of extreme tension prevailed. Spies and counterspies were everywhere.
        But there is no longer any necessity to remain covert about those exciting days, with the secrets of which I was perforce entrusted, so here it can be told.
I had never seen a Red Army man before I arrived in Sianfu. The man in Peking who had written for me in invisible in the letter addressed to Mao Tse-tung was, I knew, a Red commander, but I had not seen him. The letter had reached me through a third person, an old friend; but besides this letter I had only one hope of a connection in the North—West. I had been instructed simply to go to a hotel in Sianfu, take a room there, and await a visit from a gentleman who would call himself Wang, but about whom I knew nothing else. Nothing—except that he would arrange for me to enter the Red districts by way of the private airplane, I was promised, of Chang Hsueh-liang!
         A few days after I put up in the hotel a large, somewhat florid and rotund, but strongly built and dignified Chinese, wearing a long grey silk gown, entered my open door and greeted me in excellent English. He looked like a prosperous merchant, but he introduced himself as Wang, mentioned the name of my Peking friend, and otherwise established that he was the man I awaited.
        In the week that followed I discovered that Wang alone was worth the trip to Sianfu. I spent four or five hours a day listening to his yarns and **s and to his more serious explanations of the political situation. He was wholly unexpected. Educated in a missionary school in ShangHai, he had prominently identified with the Christian community, had once had a church of his own, and (as I was later to learn) was known among the Communists as Wang Mu-shi—Wang the pastor. Like many successful Christians of ShangHai, he had been a member of the ChingPang, and he knew everyone from Chiang Kai-shek (also a member) down to Tu Yueh-sheng, the Ch’ing pang chieftain. He had once been a high official in the Kuomintang, but I cannot even now disclose his real name.
         For some time, Pastor Wang, having deserted his congregation and officialdom, had been working with the Reds. How long I do not know. He was a kind of secret and unofficial ambassador to the courts of various militarists and officials whom the Communists were trying to win over to understanding and support of their ‘anti-Japanese’ national front’ proposals. With Chang Hsueh-liang, at least, he had been successful. And here some background is necessary to illuminate the basis of the secret understanding which had at this time been reached.
         Chang Hsueh-liang was until 1931 the popular, gambling, generous, modern—minded, golf-playing, dope—using, paradoxical war-lord-dictator of the 30,000,000 people of Manchuria, confirmed in the office he had inherited from his ex-bandit father Chang Tso-lin by the Kuomintang Government at Nanking, which had also given him the title Vice—Commander—in—chief of the Armed Forces of China. In September 1931, Japan set out to conquer the North—East, and Chang’s reverses began. When the invasion commenced, Young Marshal Chang was in the Peking Union Hospital, below the Wall, recovering from typhoid, and in no condition to meet this crisis alone. He leaned heavily on Nanking and on his blood-sworn ‘elder brother’, Chiang Kai-shek, the Generalissimo. But Chiang Kai-shek, who lacked adequate means to fight Japan—and the Reds—urged reliance on the League of Nations. Chang Hsue-liang took the Generalissimo’s counsel and Nanking’s orders. As a result he lost his homeland, Manchuria, after only token resistance was offered by his retreating troops. Nanking propaganda had made it appear that the non-resistance policy was the Young Marshal’s idea, whereas the record showed that it was the government’s explicit order. The sacrifice enabled the Generalissimo to hold his own shaky regime together in Nanking and begin a new annihilation campaign against the Reds.


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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-17 07:14 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-21 21:38 编辑

    不必去想,杨虎成将军早年的土匪生涯必然有损于其领导形象。这样的想法在中国行不通,在那个国家早年的土匪生涯常意味着一个男人具有很强的性格和主见。只要看一眼中国历史便可知,一些最有才干的爱国者不时会被贴上“土匪”的标签。事实上很多最坏的流氓、恶棍和叛徒也爬上过体面的地位以掩饰。虚伪腐败的儒家信条,古典中国的封建神术同样也达到过那样的位置,虽然其本身也不断利用忠心耿耿匪帮的强大势力去实现企图。
    杨虎成将军作为一名革命者的历史暗示着:一个曾有过大大改变自身所在世界之崇高理想的农民,当他发现获得了权力却无助地环顾四方寻求出路,又只能听从那些围着转的雇佣兵们的建议,因而陷入疲倦和困惑。若他真的有过那样的梦想,却并没有彬彬有礼地派一名秘书带我去参观一下他的城市。我见到杨将军的时候他正忍受着头痛和风湿病的折磨,也正处于一大摊子的烦乱事务里。我并不是那种于此间向他提出些敏感问题的人。反过来,扬将军在困境中却有着我所具有的一切同情心。为此,短暂的采访后我有些疲惫,便转向令人尊敬的邵力子省长提些问题。
        邵力子省长在他宽敞的衙门花园里接待了我。花园坐落在布满灰尘炙热的西安大街底端,它清凉而宁静。我上一次见他还在6年以前,那时他是蒋介石的私人秘书。在采访蒋总司令的时候他协助了我。从那以后邵力子在国民党里迅速升起。他是个受过良好教育又有能力的人。蒋总司令如今授予他省长的荣耀,却不过掌管着省委大院灰墙内的事务。院墙外面的领地被扬将军和少帅分割统领。
   这个邵红人过去也是个**,起到过共产党先驱者的作用。起先那些年代里当一名共产党员是件时髦的事,没有人确切知道意味着什么,只知道很多聪明的男女青年都是共产党员。后来邵放弃了党籍。1927年之后做一名共产党员意味着什么已经非常清楚了,一个人可能为此而掉脑袋。他随后做了一名虔诚的佛**,再也没有进一步异端的表现,摇身变成中国最有魅力的绅士。
   “现在红军的境况怎么样?”我问他。
  “剩下的不多了,陕西的这些都是残留下来的。”  
   “那么战争还在继续吗?”我问道。
  “没有,现在陕北没有什么战斗。红军正在向宁夏和甘肃转移。他们似乎想同**联络。”
   他将话题转向了大西南的形势,在那里叛军首领们正要求进行抗日远征。我又问他是否认为中国应同日本作战。“打得过吗?”他反问道。接着,那个佛**省长把杨将军私下里对日本的认识详细告诉了我。这个认识是非公开性的,正如每个国民党官员谈论对日本的认识一样不公开。采访过后几个月,可怜的邵省长将和蒋总司令一起独自面对同样的问题,提问来自张学良将军部队那一帮群情激奋的年轻军官。他们再也理性不起来,不愿接受“也许有朝一日”这样的回复。邵力子省长的姨太太是一名刚从莫斯科留学归来的学生,过去也是一名共产党员。她将会被一些**者逼到墙角,并勇敢地反抗拒捕。
   邵力子省长在当时的谈话中并没有显露出后来那些事要发生的征兆。交换的一些观点中我们的想法将将可被称为认同。到了该走的时间。我已经从他那里知道了想知道的事。他进一步证实了北京那些消息透露者们的话:陕北的战事已经暂停下来。如此,若安排得当,去前线应有可能。

                                                3
                                          一些汉代青铜器
        我离开西安府大约6个月左右,中国大西北的危机以一种无人意料到的方式爆发了。为此,整个世界都知道了张学良将军的大部队同“**”之间惊人的戏剧般联盟。而作为剿共的副总司令,他本来是受令要消灭对方的。可直到19366月,外界依旧对这个奇怪的进展一无所知。即便蒋介石那些用来控制西安府的蓝衫队宪兵警察里也没人确切地知道正在发生什么。市区监狱里关着300多名共党份子而蓝衫队还在搜捕更多的人。一种特别紧张的气氛笼罩着。处处都有谍报和反谍报人员。
    那些我承诺要保守的秘密再也没有必要保守。对那些激动人心的日子再也没有必要守口如瓶。我可以于此表述了:
   到达西安府之前我从来就没有见过红军方面的人。我知道,那个在北京给我写向**的加密引荐信的人就是个红军指挥官,但我却从未同他谋面。那封信是由第三方送到我手上的,送信的是个老朋友。除了这封信外我仅还有一个同大西北联系的途径。有人指示我径直入住西安府的一家宾馆,找个房间等待一名自称王先生的人。我对王先生也一无所知。也没什么其它方面的事,他会安排我登上飞往苏区的私人飞机。这是张学良给我做出的承诺。
   我在宾馆住了几天以后,一名身形硕大气宇轩昂又长得很结实的尊贵中国人身着灰色丝绒长衫走进了我敞开的屋门。他用流利的英语向我打招呼。此人看上去象名生意兴荣的商人,可自我引荐姓王。他提到我在北京那个朋友的名字,还通过其它方式确认自己就是我等的那人。
    接下来的一个星期里,我发现王先生的西安府之行对其本人是有价值的。我每天要花4到5个小时听他组织、回忆并更加严肃地讲解政治形势。王先生是个我没料想到的人。他于上海的一家教会学校受过教育,在基督教社会声名显赫,自己也曾有过一家教堂。共产党人都称他王牧师。像上海很多成功的基督徒一样,王先生是成槃社社员。他认识每一个会员,上到蒋介石下到成槃社酋长杜月笙。他也曾经做过国民党高官。但直到如今我都不能透露他的真实姓名。
    王牧师放弃他的圣会和官职后一直在红军里工作。我也不知道他已经在红军干了多长时间。他是个经常拜访各类军阀及官吏门庭的非官方使节,那些拜访的人都是共产党想极力争取过来让其理解和支持抗日民族统一战线提议的人。至少在争取张学良将军这件事上王牧师是成功的。我需要于此介绍一些背景来衬托出当前已暗地里达到的认同。
    直到1931年,张学良都是人们所熟知慷慨大度思想摩登又内心矛盾的满洲军阀**者。他统治着3千万满洲人,好赌博,爱打高尔夫球又有毒瘾,并已经在南京国民党政府里巩固了从匪首张作霖那里继承下来的官位。南京政府还给了他国民革命军副总司令的头衔。1931年9月日本开始征服东北,张学良的逆境拉开了序幕。侵略开始之时,年轻的张将军正在北京协和医院院墙内从伤寒病中恢复过来。他没有可能去独自应对危机,严重依赖南京方面以及那个同其歃血为盟的大哥—蒋总司令。但蒋介石缺乏充分意图同时打日本并打红军,他呼吁国联的调停。张学良接受了南京方面的命令和蒋总司令的建议。结果丧失了满洲,丧失了故土,其撤退中的部队仅做了象征性的抵抗。而南京方面的宣传中显露出:不抵抗政策不过出于张将军自己的主意而已。然而历史记录表明那是南京政府的明确指示。这一牺牲使蒋总司令能够将其摇摇欲坠的南京政权凑合在一起并开始新一轮剿灭红军的战争。

导读:张学良是蒋介石歃血为盟的弟兄又是国民革命军副总司令。他为什么会背叛蒋介石在剿共的过程中联共反蒋了呢?从**的采访中我们难以知道背后的原委,还是要去《**选集》第一卷中寻找答案。**在《中国共产党在抗日时期的任务》一文中指出:中国很久以来处在两种剧烈的基本矛盾斗争中—(1)帝国主义和中国之间的矛盾。(2)封建主义和人民大众的矛盾。日本对华侵略使得中日矛盾上升为主要矛盾。国内资产阶级甚至军阀本身都受到了存亡问题。人民大规模起来为救亡而斗争。蒋介石无视人民要求,坚持对外妥协对内剿共的**政策激起了国内军阀集团本身的不满。在张学良之前就发生过国民革命军联共反蒋事件。**在《论反对帝国主义的策略》一文中指出:“蔡廷锴等人领导的19路军是代表什么阶级的利益呢?他们是代表民族资产阶级、上层小资产阶级、乡村的富农和小地主。蔡廷锴们不是同红军打过仗吗?可是后来又同红军订立了抗日反蒋同盟。他们在江西向红军进攻;到了上海又抵抗日本帝国主义;到了福建,便向红军成立了妥协,向蒋介石开起火来。”张学良被逼不抵抗,丧失了东北三省自己的老家又被污垢成“不抵抗将军”。他的内心是想抗日的,心事并不在剿共前线。共产党释放的抗日民族统一战线政策和进一步揭露蒋介石想利用阶级矛盾让东北军同红军自相残杀殆尽的阴谋后,张学良不可能不审时度势权衡利弊。联共这样震惊世界的时事也就有其必然性了。





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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-21 07:11 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-22 09:16 编辑


        That was how the Manchurian troops, known in China as the Tungpei (pronounced ‘Dungbei’, and meaning ‘North-Eastern’) Army, moved south of the Great Wall into China proper. The same thing happened when Japan invaded Jehol. China Huseu-liang was not in the hospital then, but he should have been. Nanking sent no support to him, and made no preparations for defense. The Generalissimo, to avoid war, was ready to see Jehol fall to Japan, too—and so it did. Chiang Hsueh-liang got the blame, and docilely played the goat when somebody had to resign to appease an infuriated populace. It was Chiang or Chang—and the latter bowed and departed. He went to Europe for a year ‘to study conditions’.
        The most important thing that happened to Chiang Huseh-liang while he was in Europe was not that he saw Mussolini and Hitler and met Ramsay MacDonald, but it was that for the first time in several years he found himself a healthy man, cured of the dope habit. Some years before he had taken up opium, as many Chinese generals did, between battles. To break himself of the habit was not easy; his doctor assured him he could be cured by injections. He was freed of the craving for opium, all right, all right, but when the doctor got through with him the Young Marshal was a morphine addict.
       When I first met Chiang at Mukden, in 1929, he was the world’s youngest dictator, and he still looked fairly well. He was thin, his face somewhat drawn and jaundiced—looking, but his mind was quick and energetic, he seemed full of exuberance. He was openly anti-Japanese, and he was eager to perform miracles in driving Japan from China and modernizing Manchuria. Several years later his physical condition was much worse. One of his doctors in Peking told me that he was spending $200 a day on ‘medicine’—a special preparation of morphine which theoretically could be ‘tapered off’.
         But in Shanghai, just before he left for Europe, Chiang Hsueh-liang began to cure himself of the drug habit. When he returned to China in 1934 his friends were pleased and amazed: he had put on weight and muscle, there was color in his cheeks, he looked ten years younger, and people saw in him traces of the brilliant leader of his youth. He had always possessed a quick, realistic mind, and now he gave it a chance to develop. At Hankow he resumed command of the Tungpei Army, which had shifted to Central China to fight the Reds. It was a tribute to his popularity that, despite his errors of the past, his army enthusiastically welcomed him back.
         Chang adopted a new routine—up at six, hard exercise, daily drill and study, ** food and Spartan habits, and direct personal contact with the subalterns as well as officers of his troops, which still numbered about 140,000 men. A new Tungpei Army began to emerge. Sceptics gradually become a man worth watching, and took seriously the vow he had made on his return: that his whole life would be devoted to the task of recovering Manchuria, and erasing the humiliation of his people.
        Meanwhile, Chiang had not lost faith in the Generalissimo. In their entire relationship Chang had never wavered in his loyalty to the older man, whose regime he had three times saved from collapse, and in whose judgment and sincerity he placed full confidence. He evidently believed Chiang Kai-shek when he said he was preparing to recover Manchuria, and would yield no more territory without resistance. In 1935 Japan’s militarists continued their aggression: the puppet regime of east Hopei was set up, part of Chahar was annexed, and demands were made for the separation of North China from the south, to which Nanking partly acquiesced. Ominous discounted rumbled among the Young marshal’s officers and men, especially after his troops were shifted to the North—West to continue to wage an unpopular civil war against the Red Army, while Japanese attrition continued almost unopposed.
          After months of fighting the Reds in the South, several important realizations had come to the Young Marshal and some of his officers: that the ‘bandits’ they were fighting were in reality led by able, patriotic, anti-Japanese commanders; that this process of ‘Communist extermination’ might last for many more years; that it was impossible to resist Japan while the anti-Red wars continued; and that meanwhile the Tungpei Army was rapidly being reduced and disbanded in battles which were to it devoid of meaning.
          Nevertheless, when Chang shifted his headquarters to North—West, he began an energetic campaign against the Reds. For a while he had some success, but in October and November 1935 the Tungpei Army suffered serious defeats, reportedly losing two whole divisions (the 101st and 109th ) and part of a third (110th ). Thousands of Tungpei soldiers ‘turned over’ to the Red Army. Many officers were also taken captive, and held for a period of ‘anti-Japanese tutelage’.
         When those officers were released, and returned to Sian, they brought back to the Young Marshal glowing accounts of the morale and organization in the soviet districts, but especially of the Red Army’s sincerity in wanting to stop civil war, unified China by peaceful democratic methods, and unite to oppose Japanese imperialism. Chang was impressed. He was impressed even more by reports from his divisions that the sentiment throughout the whole army was turning against war with the Reds, whose slogans—‘Chinese must not fight Chinese!’ and ‘Unite with us and fight back to Manchuria!’—were infecting the rank and file of the entire Tungpei Army.
         In the meantime, Chang himself had been strongly influenced to the left. Many of the students in his Tungpei University had come to Sian and were working with him, and among these were some Communists. After the Japanese demands in Peking of December 1935, he had sent word to the north that all anti-Japanese students, regardless of their political beliefs, could find haven in Sianfu. While anti-Japanese agitators elsewhere in China were being arrested by agents of the Nanking government, in Shensi they were encouraged and protected. Some of Chang’s younger officers had been much influenced by the students also, and when the captured officers returned from the Red districts and reported the open anti-Japanese mass organizations were flourishing there, and described the Reds’ patriotic propaganda among the people, Chang began to think more and more of the Reds as natural allies rather than enemies.
It was at this point, early in 1936, Pastor Wang told me, that he one day called on Chang Hsueh-liang and opened an interview by delaring: ‘I have come to borrow your airplane to go to the Red districts.’
          Chang jumped up and stared in amazement. ‘What? You dare to come here and make such a request? Do you realize you can be shot for this?’
          The Pastor elaborated. He explained that he had contacts with the Communists and knew things which Chang should know. He talked for a long time about their changing policies, about the necessity for a united China to resist Japan, about the Reds’ willingness to make big concessions in order to influence Nanking to resist Japan, a policy which the Reds realized they could not, alone, make effective. He proposed that he should arrange for a further discussion of these points between Chang and certain Red leaders. And to all of this, after his first surprise, Chang listened attentively. He had for some time been thinking that he could make use of him; very well, perhaps they could utilize each other on the basis of common demands for an end to civil war and united resistance to Japan.
         The Pastor did, after all, fly to Yenan, north Shensi, in the Young Marshal’s private airplane. He entered Soviet China and returned with a formula for negotiation. And a short time later Chang Hsueh-liang himself flew up to Tenan, met Chou En-lai, and after long and detailed discussion with him became convinced, according to Wang, of the Reds’ sincerity, and of the sanity and practicability of their proposals for a united front.
    First steps in the implementation of theTungpei—Communist agreement included the cessation of hostilities in Shensi.Neither side was to move without notifying the other. The Reds sent severaldelegates to Sianfu, who put on Tungpei uniforms, joined Chang Hsueh-liang’sstaff, and helped reorganize political training methods in his army. A newschool was opened at Wang Ch’u Ts’un, where Chang’s lower officers went throughintensified courses in politics, economics, social science, and detailed andstatistical study of how Japan had conquered Manchuria and what China had lostthereby. Hundreds of radical training school, at which the Young Marshal alsogave frequent lectures. Something like the political commissar system used inSoviet Russia and by the Chinese Red Army was adopted in the Tungpei Army. Somehigher officers inherited from the Manchurian days were sacked; to replace themChang Hsueh-liang promoted radical younger officers, to whom he now looked forhis main support in building a new army. Many of the corrupt sycophants who hadsurrounded Chang during his ‘**’ years were also replaced by eager andserious—minded students from the Tungpei University.
          Such changes developed in close secrecy,made possible by Chiang’s semi-autonomy as a provincial warlord. Although theTungpei troops no longer fought the Reds, there were Nanking troops along theShansi-Shensi border and in Kansu and Ningsia, and some fighting continued inthose regions. No word of the truce between Chang and the Communists crept intothe press. And although Chiang Kai-shek’s spies in Sian knew that something wasfermenting, they could get few details of its exact nature. Occasionally tracksarrived in Sian carrying Red passengers, but they innocuous; they all woreTungpei uniforms. The occasional departure of other trucks from Sian to the Reddistricts aroused no suspicion; they resembled any other Tungpei trucks settingoff for front.            
        It was on just such a truck, Pastor Wang confided to me soon after my arrival, that I would myself be going to the front. The journey by plane was out: too much risk of embarrassment to the Young Marshal was involved, for his American pilots might not hold their tongues if a foreigner were dumped on the front and not returned.





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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-21 10:24 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-22 10:14 编辑


    就这样,在中国被称为东北军的满洲部队向南越过长城移驻关内。 日军入侵热河的时候也发生了类似事件,而当时张学良却并不在住院。但他真当也该住院。南京方面既没有给他支持也没有做抵抗的准备。那个避战的蒋总司令,坐定了准备看热河落入日寇手里,热河也真的丢了。张学良承受着人们的责难。当必须得有人请辞以平息愤怒的大众时,他顺从地坐了替罪羊。蒋,张之间必须得下台一人,后者鞠躬下台了。他去俄国学习了一年的国际形势。
   对于张学良来说,在欧洲最重要的事情不是他见到了墨索尼里和希特勒并会见过拉姆齐•麦克唐纳,而是戒掉了毒瘾,多年来第一次发现自己成了个健康人。像中国的许多军阀一样,他多年前开始在休战期间吸食鸦片。抛弃这个**惯不是件容易事。张学良的医生保证,能通过注射方式帮他达到这个目的。鸦片瘾确实没有了,但这位年轻的将军却因此染上吗啡瘾。
   1929年,当我第一次在奉天同张将军见面时他还是世界上最年轻的军阀,看上去依旧气色还说的过去—有些瘦,面色焦黄,像得了黄疸。但当时他脑子转得很快,精力充沛,满是活力。他公开宣布抗日,渴望在驱逐日寇方面上演奇迹并使满洲实现现代化。几年后张将军的健康恶化了很多。他在北京的一名私人医生告诉我,将军每天要在药物上花费200美元,一种特殊的吗啡疗法,理论上可以逐渐减少鸦片瘾。
    但出行欧洲之前,张学良在上海就开始自己戒毒。1934年回到祖国后,他的朋友们都感到惊喜:张将军体重增加了,肌肉也发达起来,脸上显出血色,看上去年轻了十岁。人们见到了少帅年轻时卓越音容的印迹。他总有敏捷而现实主义的头脑,如今进一步发展的机遇来了。张学良在汉口重新获得了东北军的指挥权,那时部队已入驻中原同红军作战。真亏了以往名气很大,部队都热忱欢迎他的归来,也不管其犯过的错误。
    张学良开始了新的作息时间早上6点就起床,刻苦锻炼,每天坚持运动和学习,吃简餐,坚持着斯巴达式的习惯。他直接同下级军士交流,部队规模依旧还有14万人。一支新的东北军正在展现。这个怀疑论者逐步成为一名值得观察的人也在认真对待自己归程里的誓言:他将一生致力于恢复满洲,为自己的人民雪耻。
    同时,张学良没有对蒋总司令丧失信心。蒋张关系中,张学良从未动摇过对那个长者的忠诚。他曾三次挽救了蒋介石政权的垮台, 并相信蒋的判断力,对其真诚满怀信心。当他说正准备收复满洲再也不会不加抵抗地退让领土时,显然对蒋介石这人是信任的。1935年,日本军国主义者的侵略持续着:冀东傀儡政权成立了,察哈尔的一部分被强占。南北**中国的要求被提出并得到蒋介石部分默许。少帅属下年轻的军官士兵之间常有些不吉祥的低声抱怨,特别在部队移驻大西北继续同红军进行不受欢迎的内战时抱怨尤为强烈。然而日方在军事摩擦中还是几乎没有受到抵抗。
    在同南方的红军战斗了几个月之后,少帅和他的军官们开始意识到:这支同他们作战的“匪军”实际上是由有能力的抗日爱国将领率领的。这个剿共的历程也许还将持续很多年。只要同红军的战斗持续下去,就没有抵抗日本的可能。同时,东北军不断在这种没有意义的战斗中被打散并快速减员。
    然而,当张学良将总部迁移到大西北之后,他开始对红军进行积极和有力的战争。有段时间里他取得了一些胜利,但在193510月和11月间,东北军遭受到严重失败。 据报道,他丧失了101 109两个整编师以及110师的一部分。数以万计的东北军士兵们反过来参加了红军。还有很多军官被俘虏,正在接受“抗战指导”。
    当这些军官被释放并回到西安后,他们神采飞扬地带回了有关苏区高昂斗志和组织机构的陈述。其中特别提到红军真诚地希望停止内战,用和平民主方式统一中国,团结起来一致抵抗日本帝国主义。张学良对这一切印象深刻。当有报道说整个东北军都正在满怀一种对剿共战争的抵触情绪时,他更加被促动了。他们的口号是:“中国人不能打中国人”和“团结一致打回东北老家去!”。 这一切都感染着所有东北军将士们。
    同时,张学良本人也在强烈的感染下转向左翼。东北大学的许多大学生们都赶到了西安与他共事,其间就有些共产党员。193511月当日本人在北京提出要求时,张将军就向北方发了话:所有抗日学生,不管其政治信仰如何,都能在西安找到天堂。而在中国其它地方,那些煽动抗日的人却正在被南京政府的代理者们拘捕。陕西省内同一类人则被激励和保护。张学良手下的一些年轻军官们也很被学生感动。当那些从苏区放回来的被俘将官们报道了苏区大规模的抗日群众组织正在旺盛发展后,当他们描述了红军在群众中的爱国宣传后,张学良开始越来越把红军看做天然的盟友而非敌人。
       1936年初,就在这节骨眼上王牧师来告诉我,有一天他拜访了张学良并在采访中声称:“我是来借您的飞机去苏区的。”
    张学良吃惊地瞪大眼跳了起来:“什么?你敢来提这种要求?!你知道会因此被枪毙吗?”
    牧师做了详尽的解释,他说自己已同共产党方面取得了联系,并知道一些张学良应该知道的情况。他谈了很久那边的政策变化,谈了抗日统一战线的必要性,谈了红军为感召蒋介石抗日愿意做出大的让步。红军认识到,这项政策不能单方面生效。牧师建议安排某些红军将领同张将军进行进一步讨论。起先的一阵惊讶后,张学良开始专注地听这一切。有段时间他一直在想应好好利用一下这牧师。很不错,他们也许能在结束内战和联合抗日的共同基础上相互利用。
    后来,牧师确实坐少帅的私人飞机去了陕北的延安。他进入中国苏区并带回了谈判条件。不久,张学良自己也飞到了延安并会见周恩来。据王牧师说,经过漫长细致的会谈张学良开始相信红军的真诚,也确信对方提出的统一战线政策是切实可行的。
    红军和东北军协议中的第一系列步骤中包括在陕西停止一切相互敌对。任何一方都不得在未通知对方的前提下擅自行动。红军向西安府派遣了一些军代表,他们穿着东北军军装同张学良的军事成员们一起工作,帮助组织以红军的方式进行政治训练。王牧师那里开了一所新学校,张学良的下级军官们在里面强化学习政治、经济、社会科学,并详细研究日本是如何一步步征服满洲的以及中国在其间失去了什么。还有数以百计的激进训练学校,少帅经常于其间讲演。某种中国红军采用的苏俄政治委员会般的体系被东北军采纳。军中一些满洲时代的高级军官被解职,用激进的年轻军官取代。如今张学良指望这些年轻人来支持打造一支新型军队。张将军那些寻欢作乐年代阿谀奉承的腐败献媚者们也被来自东北头脑严谨满怀热忱的大学生们取代。
    这样的变化在暗中发展,张学良辖区省级军阀的半自治状态也使得这一切成为可能。虽东北军不再同红军作战晋陕边境以及甘肃和宁夏边境上却驻扎着中央军,一些战斗在以上地区持续。报纸上并没有出现蒋介石同共产党之间的停战消息。虽然蒋介石在西安的密探们已觉察到一些膨胀式的变化,他们却搞不清变化的实质。不时有装载着红军的卡车驶入西安,却并无大碍。他们穿着东北军军服。同别的开往前线的卡车一样,不时从西安开往苏区的卡车也没有引起怀疑。
     到达西安后王牧师很快就透露出来,我将坐在那样的卡车上前往苏区。去苏区的飞机不在:假使少帅卷入这事便可能遇到很多麻烦。若有名外国人在前线下机并且没有返回,他的美国飞行员也许守不住口。
   


导读:大西北剿共战场上,人数和武器都占据绝对优势的东北军屡战屡败,甚至整个师的编制被打散。东北军将士的心早已不在剿共前线,他们日夜挂念着已经沦丧的满洲老家,甚至喊出“中国人不能打中国人”和“团结一致打回老家去!”的口号。然而张学良并不明白其间还有第二个更重要的原因,直到被俘将官从苏区释放回来。红军在发动群众和军队政治教育上的优势任何国民党部队都不具备。统一战线的强大号召力和激发起来的人民抗战激情正是张少帅需要加以利用来实现驱逐日寇打回老家去的愿望。张学良找到了在抗战上同中共的契合点,又利用苏维埃的政治宣传强化和新编了军队。东北军同红军的联盟开始了并一步步得到加强。这样的联盟也是进一步导致西安事变的关键所在。

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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-22 18:46 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-23 09:18 编辑

       One morning the Pastor called on me with a Tungpei officer or at any rate a youth wearing the uniform of a Tungpei officer—and suggested a trip to the ancient Han city outside Sian. A curtained car waited for us in front of the hotel, and when we got in I saw in a corner a man wearing dark glasses and the Chung Shan uniform of a Koumintang official. We drove out to the site of the old palace of the Han Dynasty, and there we walked over to the raised mound of earth where the celebrated Han Wu Ti once sat in his throne room and ‘ruled the earth’. Here you could still pick up fragments of tile from those great roofs of over 2,000 years ago.
       Pastor Wang and the Tungpei officer had some words to exchange, and stood apart, talking. The Kuomintang official, who had sat without speaking during our long dusty drive, came over to me and removed his dark glasses and his white hat. I saw that he was quite young. Under a rim of thick, glossy hair a pair of intense eyes sparkled at me. A mischievous grin spread over his bronzed face, and one look at him, without those glasses, showed that the uniform was a disguise, that this was no sedentary bureaucrat but an out-of-doors man of action. He was of medium height and looked slight of strength, so that when he came close to me and suddenly took my arm in a grip of iron I winced with surprise. There was a pantherish grace about the man’s movements, I noticed later, a lithe limberness under the stiff formal cut of the suit.
       He put his face close to mine and grinned and fixed his sharp, burning eyes on me and held my two arms tightly in that iron grip, and then wagged his head and comically screwed up his mouth—and winked! ‘Look at me!’ he whispered with the delight of a child with a secret. ‘Look at me! Do you recognize me?’
I did not know what to think of the fellow. He was so bubbling over about something that his excitement infected me, and I felt foolish because I had nothing to say. Recognized him? I had never met a Chinese like him in my life! I shook my head apologetically.
       He released a hand from my arm and pointed a finger at his chest. ‘I thought maybe you had seen my picture somewhere,’ he said. ‘Well, I am Teng Fa.’ He offered—‘Teng Fa!’ + He pulled back his head and gazed at me to see the effect of the bombshell.
       Teng Fa? Teng Fa…why, Teng Fa was chief of the Chinese Red Army’s Security Police. And something else, these was $50,000 on his head!
       Teng danced with pleasure when he disclosed his identity. He was irrepressible, full of amusement at the situation: he, the notorious ‘Communist bandit’, living in the very midst of the enemy’s camp, thumbing his nose at the spies that hovered everywhere. And he was overjoyed at seeing me—he literally hugged me repeatedly—an American who was voluntarily going into the ‘Bandit’ areas. He offered me everything. Did I want his horse? Oh, what a horse he had, the finest in Red China! His pictures? He had a wonderful collection and it was still in the soviet areas, to give all this and more to me. And he kept his word.
       What a Chinese! What a Red bandit!
       Teng Fa was a Cantonese, the son of a working—class family, and had once been a foreign—style cook on a Canton—Hongkong steamer. He had been a leader of the great Hongkong shipping strike, when he was beaten in the chest and had had some ribs broken by a British constable who did not like pickets. And then he had become a Communist, and entered Whampoa, and taken part in the Nationalist Revolution, until after 1927 he had joined the Red Army in Kiangsi.
       We stood for an hour or more on that height, talking and looking down on the green—shrouded grave of an imperial city. How incongruous and yet how logical it was that this place should seem to the Communists the one rendezvous where we four could safely meet, the exact spot where, two millenniums ago, Han Wu Ti had ruled a united China, and so successfully consolidated a people and a culture from the chaos of warring states that their descendants, ever since, had been content to call themselves Sons of Han.
It was here that Teng told me who would escort me to the Red districts, how I would travel, how I would live in Red China, and assured me of a warm welcome there.
‘Aren’t you afraid for your head?’ I asked as we drove back to the city.
‘Not any more than Chang Hsueh-liang is,’ he said. ‘I’m living with him.’

                                                                                                                     4
                                                                                                      Through Red Gates
          We left Sianfu before dawn, the high wooden gates of the once ‘golden city’ swinging open and noisily dragging their chains before the magic of our military pass. In the half-light of predawn the big army trucks lumbered past the airfield from which expeditions set out for daily reconnaissance and bombing over the Red lines.
         To a Chinese traveler every mile of this road northward from Sianfu evokes memories of the rich and colorful pageant of his people. It seemed not inappropriate that the latest historical mutation in China, the Communists movement, should choose this locale in which to work out a destiny. In an hour we were being ferried across the Wei River, in whose rich valley Confucius’ ancestors develop their rice culture and formulated traditions still a power in the folk myth of rural China today. And towards noon we had reached Ts’un Pu. It was near this battlemented city that the towering and terrible figure who first ‘Unified’ China—the Emperor Chin’Shih Huang Ti—was born some 2,200 years ago. The Emperor Chin’s first consolidated all of the ancient frontier walls of his country into what remains today the most stupendous masonry on earth—the great wall of China.
        Opium poppies nodded their swollen heads, ready for harvest, along the newly completed motor road—a road already deeply wrinkled with washouts and ruts, so that at times it was scarcely navigable even for our six-ton Dodge truck. Shensi had long been a noted opium province. During the great North—West Famine, which a few years before had taken a toll of 3,000,000 lives, American Red Cross investigators attributed much of the tragedy to the cultivation of the poppy, forced upon the peasants by provincial monopolies controlled by greedy warlords. The best land being devoted to the poppy, in years of drought there was a serious shortage of millet, wheat, and corn, the staple cereals of the North—West.
I spent the night on a clay k’ang, in a filthy but at Lochuan, with pigs and donkeys quartered in the next room, and rats in my own, and I’m sure we all slept very little. Next morning, a few miles beyond that city, the loess terraces rose higher and more imposing, and the country was weirdly transformed.
       The wonderful loess lands, which cover much of Kansu, Shensi, Ningshia, and Shensi provinces, account for the marvelous fertility of these regions (When there is rainfall), for the marvelous furnishes an inexhaustible porous topsoil tens of feet deep. Geologists think the loess is organic matter blown down in centuries past from Mongolia and from the west by the great winds that rise in Central Asia. Scenically the result is an infinite variety of queer, embattled shapes—hills like great castles, like rows of mammoth, nicely rounded scones, like ranges torn by some giant hand, leaving behind the imprint of angry fingers. Fantastic, incredible, and sometimes frightening shapes, a world configurated by a mad god—and sometimes a world also of strange surrealist beauty.
       And though we saw fields and cultivated land everywhere, we seldom saw houses. The peasants were tucked away in those loess hills also. Throughout the North—West, as has been the habit of centuries, men lived in homes dug out of the hard, fudge-colored cliffs—yao-fang, or ‘cave houses’, as the Chinese call them. But they were no caves in the Western sense. Cool in summer, warm in winter, they were easily built and easily cleaned. Even the wealthiest landlords often dug their homes in the hills. Some of them were many-roomed edifices, gaily furnished and decorated, with stone floors and high—ceilinged chambers, lighted through rice-** windows opened in the walls of earth also athwart the stout, black-lacquered doors.
Once, not far from Lochuan, a young Tungpei officer, who rode beside me in the cavorting truck, pointed to such a yao-fang-ts’un—a cave village. It lay only a mile or so distant from the motor road, just across a deep ravine.
       ‘They are Reds,’ he revealed. ‘One of our detachments was sent over there to buy millet a few weeks ago, and those villagers refused to sell us a catty of it. The stupid soldiers took some by force. As they retired the peasants shot at them.’ He swung his arms in an arc including everything on each side of the highway, so carefully guarded by dozens of pao-lei—hilltop machine-gun nests—named by Koumintang troops. ‘Hung-fei’ he said, ‘everything out there is Red-bandit territory.’
I gazed towards the spaces indicated with keener interest, for it was into that horizon of unknown hill and upland that I intended, within a few hours, to make my way.
On the road we passed part of the 105th Division, all Manchurians, moving back from Yenan to Lochuan. They were lean and sturdy youths, most of them taller than the average Chinese soldier. At a roadside inn we stopped to drink tea, and I sat down near several of them who were resting. They were just returning from a WaYa Pao, in north Shensi, where there had been a skirmish with the Reds. I overheard scraps of conversation between them. They were talking about Reds. I overheard scrapes of conversation between them. They were talking about the Reds.
       ‘They eat a lot better than we do.’ One argued.
       ‘Yes—eat the flesh of the lao-pai-hsing!’another replied.
       ‘Never mind that—a few landlords—it’s all to the good. Who thanked us for coming to Wa Ya Pao? The landlords! Isn’t it a fact? Why should we kill ourselves for these rich men?’
       ‘They say more than 3,000 of our Tungpei men are with them now…’
       ‘Another thing on their side. Why should we fight our own people, when none of us want to fight anybody, unless it’s a Japanes, eh?’
An officer approached and this promising conversation came to an end. The officer ordered them to move on. They picked up their rifles and trudged off down the road. Soon afterwards we drove away.
   
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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-23 09:57 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-22 10:52 编辑


    一天早晨王牧师带着一名东北军军官来叫我,那人至少是个穿着东北军军装的年轻人。他暗示要启程去西安府外的韩城。一辆拉着窗帘的小车在旅店外等候着我们,上车时我发现车厢角落里坐着一位身穿中山装戴黑色墨镜的男人。中山装是国民党官员的制服。车开到西安汉代宫殿遗址后我们步行爬上一座土丘,著名的汉武帝曾经于此坐在朝廷里“统治世界”。你还能在那地方捡到2000年前宫廷屋顶瓦片的残骸。
    王牧师和那东北军军官有些话要谈,他们坐在一边谈论起来。那位一路风尘里坐着一言不发的国民党官员移到我这边来,他摘下深黑墨镜和白色的礼帽。只见是一名很年轻的人。浓密亮泽的头发下一双闪烁的眼睛专注地望着我,青铜色的脸上满是诡黠笑容。再看一眼不戴墨镜的他,显出那身制服不过伪装而已。此人并非久坐办公的人,而是个实干家。他中等身材,看上去力气不大。当他近前突然钢铁般抓住我的胳臂时,我惊讶地一缩。后来注意到,这一举动里有种神奇的美,显出拘谨呆板制服里有种轻盈的柔性。
    那人把脸也凑了过来,咧嘴在笑,眼睛火一般敏锐地盯住我。他眨巴起眼睛,滑稽地摇头晃脑并翘着嘴。“看看我!”他悄悄地说道,像个怀揣着机密的孩子般高兴,“看看我!你还认识我吗?”
    我不知道该怎样认识此人。他对某件事的热情洋溢到了顶点,以至其激情感染了我。我感到自己有些愚昧,因为无言以答。见过他吗?从未见过这样的中国人。我抱歉地摇了摇头。
    那人松下一只手,用来指自己的胸膛,“我想,你也许在某处见过我的照片”他说道,“好吧,告诉你,我是邓发。”那人说出了“邓发”二字后把头撤了回去,盯着我想看看爆发式效应。

    邓发?邓发…天哪!邓发是红军的特务机关长。还有件事,他的脑袋值5万美元!
说出自己的身份后,邓发高兴地手舞足蹈。他再也按耐不住,此情此景下满怀欢欣:邓发是个显赫的“**”,就生活在敌营之中,在四处游荡的敌特份子前高昂着鼻梁。见到我,他高兴极了,不断要拥抱这个自愿到“匪区”来的美国人。邓发要为我提供一切方便,问我要不要骑他的马?喔,他的马是苏区最好的马。问我要不要他的相册?他收集了很多精彩的照片,都归我了。还有日记要吗?他将通知住在苏区的老婆为我筹备这一切,以及更多的礼物。邓发信守承诺。
如此一个中国人!这样的“**”!
    邓发是广东人,一个工人家庭的儿子,曾经在香港至广东的汽轮上当过厨师,专做外国菜肴。他也曾是香港海员罢工领袖之一,当时被一名不喜欢工人纠察队的英国警察打断了几根肋骨。随后邓发参加了中国共产党,进入黄埔军校学习并参与国民革命,直至1927年于江西加入红军。
我们在那个山丘上站了一个多小时,俯视绿荫掩抑的皇城陵地。我们四人选择如此一个安全的约见地,作为共产党员来说是多么不协调,却又有些逻辑关联。两千年以前,就在此地,汉武帝统治着一个统一的中国。他对人民的统治是那样成功和巩固,并固化了一种从七国之乱中而来的文化。从那以后,人们都满足地称自己为大汉子孙。
就在这地方,邓发告知谁将护送我进入苏区,怎么走,如何在苏区生活?他保证我会在那里受到欢迎。
   “你怕掉脑袋吗?”车开回市区的路上我问了他。
   “不会比张学良更怕。”他说,“我同少帅一起过活。”
  
                                                                                                             4
                                                                                                  迈过苏区的门槛
    黎明前我们离开了西安府,老皇城那高高的木制城门稀里哗啦的拖着锁链摇摇晃晃地当着我们神奇的军事通行打开了。在昏暗的黎明前曙光里,一辆笨重的军用大卡车驶过机场。每天都有队伍从那里出发进行日常军事侦察以及去轰炸红色战线。
    对一名中国旅人来说,西安向北的每一里路都会勾起对于丰富民俗盛会的回忆。最新历史突变里,中国共产主义运动选择这样一个场所来为其前程奋斗,看上去并没有什么不妥的地方。一小时以内我们就在渡渭河了。儒家先祖们就在这富饶的渭河谷地发展了农耕文化,形成了一种在当今农村依旧很有势力的民俗神话传统。午间我们已到了村铺。2,200年前,就在这有城垛的地方出生过那个高高在上首先统一了中国的可怕人物秦始皇。秦始皇加固了国内所有的古代边防城墙,形成了当今世界最惊人的土石工程万里长城。
    新建马路两边,罂粟花摇晃着它们嘟嘟囔囔的脑袋,已经成熟了。而这条路却已被冲刷出深深的沟豁,有些地方我们这辆6吨重的道奇卡车也难以通行。陕西以往有很长一段时间是个产罂粟的省份。几年前,在带走三百万条生命的西北大饥荒里,美国红十字会调查员们将惨剧归罪于贪婪军阀**统治下强迫农民种植罂粟。最好的土地都被用来种了罂粟,而在几年旱灾里大西北极度缺乏小米、小麦、玉米和谷物类作物。
那天我在洛川一家污秽小屋的土炕上过夜。隔壁养着些猪和驴子,屋里还有老鼠。我断定大家都没怎么睡。第二天一早,才出城几里地,黄土坡越垒越高,也越来越壮观。四下里立马起了古怪的变化。
    覆盖甘肃、宁夏、陕西和山西大部分土地的黄土高坡,只要有降雨就能成为了不起的沃土。因为那个壮观向人们提供了用不完的松软土层,有数十米厚。地质学家们认为黄土高坡是数百年来由源于中亚的季风从蒙古及以西吹来的有机质堆砌的。从景观上上讲,这一过程造就了数不尽的奇观。有的锥形山峦看上去像巨型城堡,有的像成行的猛犸般排列,有的像精美的大圆烤饼,有的像巨手撕裂的山脉还留着愤怒的指印。奇异到令人难以置信。有时又露出可怖的形态一个发了疯的神打造的世界,时而美到离奇的超现实主义。
    虽然我们四处看到田野耕地,却很少见屋舍。农民们早就在那些黄土岭间藏了起来。整个大西北,千百年来人们都习惯住在红糖色峭壁上硬土里挖出来的宅子里,称其为“窑洞”。它们同西方人认识里的洞穴不同。窑洞冬暖夏凉,建造和打扫起来都方便。即便最富有的地主也常在山上挖洞居家。有的窑洞有好几间屋子,里面装饰华丽,家具齐全,石板地面,天顶高挑。它们通过土墙上的宣纸窗户采光,窗户有时也横跨在结实的黑漆门上。
    离洛川不远的时候在欢快的卡车上有名年轻的东北军军官,他站在我身边手指如此一般的窑洞村。那村子离公路只有一里来地,间隔着一条深沟。
    “他们是红军。”他透露道,“几星期前,我们有个分遣队被派到那里收购小米,但村民们却一斤也不卖。愚蠢的士兵们强夺了一些,而在退却时遭到村民的射击。”军官挥动手臂向公路两旁比划了一圈以囊括一切。村子被几十个堡垒围困着。那是些建在山顶上的机关枪火力网,国民党部队称之为堡垒。“**”他接着说,“那边都是**的领地。”
    我越发好奇地凝视着军官所指的那片地域,就是冲着那一片地平线上未知的高地而来。只剩下个把小时的路就到了。
在路上我们遇见了105师的一部。他们都是满洲人,正从延安往回向洛川走。是些瘦长强健的年轻人,大多比通常的中国兵个子高一点。我们在一家路边旅店停下来喝茶。我就坐在几个正休息着的回程士兵身旁。他们正从陕北的瓦窑堡退下来,那里发生了与红军的小规模战斗。我无意中听到士兵之间对话的一些片段,正谈论着红军。
   “他们吃的比我们好得多。”有人争论到。
   “他们吃的是老百姓!”另有个人回答。
    “‘别在意,有几个地主是件好事。谁会感恩我们前来瓦窑堡?是那些地主啊!’这些话都是事实吗?我们为什么要为那些富有的人去找死呢?”
   “他们说已有超过3,000多东北军已经站在那一边了……”
   “还有件事对他们有利。当我们谁都不想打的时候为什么要自相残杀?除非是杀日本人。不是吗?”
    一名军官走了过来,这次很有前景的对话暂停下来。军官命令他们继续前进。士兵们捡起长枪沿着公路蹒跚地走了下去。不久,我们的车也开走了。
导读:这几段中出现了两个问题(1)为什么选择汉宫遗址会见有点不合适却又有些符合逻辑呢?无论早期的国民党还是共产党,都在推翻中国封建帝制方面坚决果敢。帝王是国民革命和共产革命的共同对象。然而帝王推翻了,中华民族并没有在共和体制下得到正真统一。外敌入侵和军阀割据使得国不成国。此时,秦始皇和汉武帝在历史上实现过的大一统又成为了新型革命的目标,一种脱离帝制新意识形态下的大一统。(2)为什么陕北红军吃得比地主供养的东北军好?红军在陕北自力更生,一手军事训练,一手开荒种地。他们甚至用劳动成果反补陕北人民。而东北军没有根本脱离封建帝王部队的性质,依旧为战斗意志不高,贪图享乐的雇佣军。
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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-25 20:46 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-25 20:48 编辑

        Early in the afternoon of the second day we reached Yenan, where north Shensi’s single road fit for wheeled traffic came to an end—about 400 li+ more or less, south of the Great Wall. It was a historic town: through it, in centuries past, had come the nomadic raiders from the north, and through it swept the great Mongol cavalry of Genghis Khan, in its ride of conquest towards Sianfu.
        Yenan was ideally suited for defense. Cradled in a bowl of high, rock-ribbed hills, its stout walls crawled up to the very tops. Attached to them now, like wasps’ nests were newly made fortifications, where machine guns bristled towards the Reds not far beyond. The road and its immediate environs were then held by Tungpei troops, but until recently Yanan had been completely cut off. The Reds had turned upon their enemy the blockade which the Generalissimo enforced against themselves, and hundreds reportedly had died of starvation.
        The long Red siege of Yenan had been lifted a few weeks before I arrived, but signs of it were still evident in the famished—looking inhabitants and the empty shelves or barred doors of shops. Little food was available and prices were alpine. What could be bought at all had been secured as a result of a temporary truce with the Red partisans. In return for an agreement not to take the offensive against the soviet districts on this front, the soviet peasants now sold grain and vegetables to the hungry anti-Red troops.
        I had my credentials for a visit to the front. My plan was to leave the city early next morning, and go towards the ‘White’ lines, where the troops were merely holding their positions, without attempting any advance. Then I meant to branch off on one of the mountain lanes over which, I had been told, merchants smuggled their goods in and out of the soviet regions.
To state precisely the manner in which, just as I had hoped, I did pass the last sentry and enter no man’s land, might have caused serious difficulties for the Kuomintang adherents who assisted me on my way. Suffice it to say that my experience proved once more that anything is possible in China, if it is done in the Chinese manner. For by seven o’clock next morning I had really left the last Kuomintang machine gun behind, and was walking through the thin strip of territory that divided ‘Red’ from ‘White’.
        With me was a single muleteer, who had been hired for me by a Manchurian colonel in Yenan. He was to carry my scant belongings—bedding roll, a little food, two cameras and twenty—four rolls of film—to the first Red partisan outpost. I did not know whether he himself was a Red bandit or the White bandit—but bandit he certainly looked. All this territory having for several years alternately been controlled by armies of both colors, it was quite possible for him to have been either—or perhaps both.
For four hours we followed a small winding stream and did not see any sign of human life. There was no road at all, but only the bed of the stream that rushed swiftly between high walls of rock, above which rose swift hills of loess. It was the perfect setting for the blotting—out of a too inquisitive foreign devil. A disturbing factor was the muleteer’s frequently expressed admiration of my cowhide shoes.
        ‘Tao-la!’ he suddenly shouted around his ear, as the rock walls at last gave way and opened out into a narrow valley, green with young wheat. ‘We have arrived!’
Relived, I gazed beyond him and saw in the side of a hill a loess village, where blue smoke curled from the tall clay chimneys that stood up like long fingers against the face of the cliff. In a few minutes we were there.
        A young farmer who wore a turban of white toweling on his head and a revolver strapped to his waist came out and looked at me in astonishment. Who was I and what did I want?
‘I am an American journalist,’ I said in conformance with the instructions Wang the Pastor had given me, ‘I want to see the local chief of the Poor People’s League.’
He looked at me blankly and replied, ‘Hai p’a’
        Hai p’a in any Chinese I had ever heard had only one meaning: ‘I’m afraid.’ If he is afraid, I thought to myself, what the devil am I supposed to feel? But his appearance belied his words: he looked completely self-assured. He turned to the lofu and asked him who I was.
       The muleteer repeated what I had said, adding a few flourishes of his own. With relief, I saw the young farmer’s face soften and then I noticed that he was really a good looking young man, with fine bronzed skin and good white teeth. He did not seem to belong to the race of timid peasants of Chinese elsewhere. There was a challenge in his sparkling merry eyes, and a certain bravado. He slowly moved his hand away from his revolver butt and smiled.
       ‘I am that man,’ he said. ‘I am the chief. Come inside and drink some hot tea.’
        These Shensi hill people had a dialect of their own, full of slurred colloquialisms, but they understood pai-hua, or mandarin Chinese, and most of their own speech was quite comprehensible to an outlander. After a few more attempts at conversation with the chief, he began to show understanding, and we made good progress. Occasionally into our talk, however, would creep this hai p’a business, but for a while I was too disconcerted to ask him just what he feared. When I finally did probe into the matter, I discovered that Hai p’a in the dialect of the Shensi hills is the equivalent of pu chi-tao in mandarin Chinese. It simply means ‘don’t understand’. My satisfaction at this discovery was considerable.
Seated on a felt—covered Kang I told my host more about myself and my plans. In a short time he seemed reassured. I wanted to go to An Tsai—the county seat—where I then believed Soviet Chairman Mao Tse-tung to be. Could he give me a guide and a muleteer?
        Certainly, certainly, he agreed, but I should not think of moving in the heat of day. The sun had already climbed to its zenith, it was really very hot, I looked tired, and meanwhile, had I eaten? Actually I was ravenous, and without any further ceremony I accepted this invitation to a first meal with a ‘Red bandit’. My muleteer was anxious to return to Yenan, and, paying him off, I bade him good-bye. It was a farewell to my last link with the ‘White’ world for many weeks to come. I had crossed the Red Rubicon.
        I was now at the mercy of Mr Liu Lung-huo—Liu the Dragon fire, as I learned the young peasant was called—and likewise at the mercy of his tough—looking comrades, who had begun to drift in from neighboring yao-fang. Similarly clad and armed, they looked at me curiously and laughed at my preposterous accent.
        Liu offered me tobacco, wine, and tea, and plied me with numerous questions. He and his friends examined with close interest, interrupted by exc**tions of approval, my camera, my shoes, my woolen stockings, the fabric of cotton shorts, and (with lengthy admiration) the zipper on my khaki shirt. The general impression seemed to prevail that, however ridiculous it might look, the ensemble evidently served its purposes well enough. I did not know just what ‘communism’ might mean to these men in practice, and I was prepared to see my belongings rapidly ‘redistributed’—but instead I was given the foreign-guest treatment.
        In an hour a vast platter of scrambled eggs arrived, accompanied by steamed rolls, boiled millet, some cabbage, and a little roast pork. My host apologized for the simplicity of the fare, and I for an inordinate appetite. Which latter was quite beside the point, as I had to punt my chopsticks at a lively pace to keep up with the good fellows of the Poor People’s League.
Dragon fire assured me that An Tsai was ‘only a few steps’, and though I was uneasy about it I could do nothing but wait, as he insisted. When finally a youthful guide appeared, accompanied by a muleteer, it was already past four in the afternoon. Before leaving, I ventured to pay Mr Liu for his food, but he indignantly refused.
        ‘You are a foreign guest,’ he explained, ‘and you have business with our Chairman, Mao. Moreover, your money is no good.’ Glancing at the bill I held out to him, he asked, ‘Haven’t you any soviet money?’ When I replied in the negative, he counted out a dollar’s worth of soviet ** notes. ‘Here—you will need this on the road.’
        Mr. Liu accepted a Koumintang dollar in exchange; I thanked him again. And as a matter of fact, bandits—not Red but white—were already trailing me behind those silent walls of loess.
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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-25 20:54 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-22 15:42 编辑

   第二天下午我们抵达了延安,陕北适合轮式车辆通行的单行道也到了头。那地方在长城以南400多里地,是个古镇:虽于过去几百年里有过北方游牧民族的袭扰。成吉思汗的蒙古大骑兵在征服西安府途中横扫过那里。
   延安是个易于防守的地方,四周都围着坚固的山峦,山墙一直矗立到山顶。新建的防御工事如蜂巢般紧密地依附在山上,不远处布满了指向红军的机关枪。通向延安的道路和周边毗邻地区以往都被东北军占据着,直到最近延安与外界彻底隔绝了。红军用蒋总司令对付他们的堡垒战反过来对付敌人。报道说,有数以百计的东北军死于饥饿。
   我到达延安之前几个星期,那里的红色堡垒战才刚刚松动。然而从周边饥民的脸上却仍能看出迹象,还能从那些空空的货架和紧拴着门的店铺上看出。销售的食物很少,价格也高上了天。能买到一点吃的也是在同红色游击队停战下才能确保。苏区农民如今出售一些粮食和蔬菜给饥荒中的东北军,作为对方同意不进一步进犯苏区的交换条件。
    我有证件可以访问前线,计划第二天一早离开市区走向警戒线。警戒线上守军勉勉强强地保住阵位,毫无进逼意图。随后我要分叉走向一条山沟。有人告诉我商人们常走那条路将货物走私进出苏区。
    要精确地讲我是如何通过最后一名哨兵同期望的一样进入无人之地,那会给一路上帮助我的国民党随从生出不少麻烦。说我的经历又一次证实了在中国只要按其习俗办一切都有可能发生便足以。第二天早晨七点,我真的将最后一挺国民党机枪甩在身后,迈步在“红区”和“白区”之间的狭长地域。
    同我一行的还有位赶骡人,是延安一名满族上校为我雇佣的。他要将我少得可怜的行李搬运到第一个红色游击队哨位前。行李不过一个铺盖、少许食物、两架相机和24卷胶卷。我并不知道赶骡人是“**”还是“白匪”,可他看上去确实像个土匪。多年来这些领地不断交替被两种颜色的部队占领。他很可能是一方的人,或两边都干过。
    我俩沿着条蜿蜒的小溪走了四个小时,一路上连一个人影也没见过。那里根本没有路,只有溪流的河床。溪流迅猛地在高耸的石块间冲过,两边的黄土岭拔地而起。如此壮美的景物足以吸引住我这个好奇的洋鬼子。然而有件事打扰着我,赶骡人不断发出对我那双牛皮靴子的赞叹。
    “到啦!”当石壁小道走到尽头,出现一个长着绿油油麦苗的窄窄谷地时,赶骡人突然在耳边喊了出口。“我们已经到啦!”
    我松了口气,凝视着赶骡人的前方,见到一座黄土岭边的小村落。青烟正从高耸的泥巴烟囱里缭绕而起。那些烟囱直立着就像紧贴崖壁长出的手指。几分钟后我们就到了那儿。
    一名戴着白头巾的年轻农夫走了出来,他腰间皮带上挎着左轮**,望着我们很惊异的样子。农夫问了我是什么人,想要干什么?
    “我是名美国记者。”我根据王牧师的指示做了对答,“我想见穷人会的地方首领。”
    那人茫然地看着我答道:“Hai p’a’”
    我听过的所有中国话里,这个发音仅意味着“害怕”。 我想,如果他害怕了,那我看上去像个什么魔鬼呀!然而农夫的表现却与说的话不符。他看上去完全自信,还转向骡夫问我是什么人。
    赶骡人重复了我说的话,又自己做了些添油加醋。见到农夫面色柔和下来,我又松了口气。 随后我注意到,他确实是名英俊青年,长着古铜色细腻的皮肤还有一口洁白的好牙。此人不像中国其它地方那些胆小的农民,一双闪烁的眼睛,快乐的目光里含着挑战。他定是个勇敢的人。农夫慢慢把手移开了左轮**的把柄笑了。
    “我就是你要找的人。”他说,“我就是穷人会的领头。进来喝口热茶吧。”
    这些陕西的山人说话都带自己的口音,满是含糊其辞的俗语。但他们懂白话,或者说普通话,讲出的话外人也大多能听懂。同头领进一步对话试探后,他开始显出理解的样子,我们进展得不错。谈话中他还不时插入Hai p’a’ 这个语汇,以至有一回我不安地问他到底害怕什么?当最终探出个究竟时,我发现在陕西山人的口音里Hai p’a’等同于普通话里的“不知道”。 这个发现相当令我满意。
    坐在毡布盖好的炕上,我对主人讲了更多与我有关的事和我的计划。很快,那人似乎又确信了一次。我想去找安塞,一个县级政府机构。我认为苏维埃主席**就在那里。就想要个向导和骡夫。
    “当然可以,当然可以!”农夫同意了。但我不想大白天在日头里赶路。太阳已经爬上中天,天气真的很热,我又很疲惫,再则还没有吃饭。真是个很贪婪的样子,我没有行更多礼节就接受了同“**”的第一次供餐。我的驴夫急于回到延安,付了车资后就同他说了再见。从那往后的几个星期我就此断绝了同白区的联系。跨过了苏区的界河。
    此刻我在这个刘龙火先生的支配下,别人那么叫他我才知道,也在他那些面色严峻的同志们的支配下。那些人开始从周围的窑洞里聚拢过来。他们的穿着和武备都差不多,用奇异的目光看着我并嘲笑我那怪异的口音。
    刘先生给我递来烟、酒和茶,又问了一堆问题。他和他的朋友们饶有兴致地审视着,又不断对我的相机、皮靴、羊毛袜和织棉衬衣发出赞叹,打断了问答。还对我咔叽衬衫上的拉链赞不绝口。看起来有些怪,众人对我那些物品的赞叹似乎超过了对问答的关注。显然他们很好地达到了目的。我并不知道“共产主义”对这些男人们实际上意味着什么,并准备接受个人物品不一会儿就被他们瓜分的后果。然而我却受到了外宾一样的礼遇。
    不到一个小时就上来一大盘炒鸡蛋,还有花卷、小米粥、洋白菜和少许烤猪肉。主人对菜肴的简陋表示了道歉,而我却总有贪婪的胃口。后来这事发展得有些离谱,吃得起兴时我不得不把筷子扔掉去赶上穷人会里那些狼吞虎咽的好伙伴们。
    龙火向我确认,安塞子仅几步之遥。但他坚持,虽然我有些迫不及待却只能等着。最后,当一个骡夫伴着一名年轻向导现身时已经过了下午四点。动身前,我试着要给刘先生饭钱,可他生气地拒绝了。
    “你是个外宾。”他解释到,“你还有事找我们的毛主席。再说你的钱也不是什么好东西。”他看着我递过去的现金问道:“你有苏区的货币吗?”当我回答没有之后,他点出了一元价值的苏币说:“拿着吧,路上用得着。”
    刘先生也收下了一元价值的民国货币作为交换。我再一次感谢了他。实际上这些群山静静的黄土岭围屏外,白匪们而不是**已经在追踪我了。

导读:由于**采用了大量的省略句和美国英语的表达方式,如何理解都要建立在对上下文的把握上。首先从一般概念上讲是东北军在围困红军,为什么反过来说红军的堡垒战困死了东北军,导致其饿死数百人呢?因为红军切断了东北军从延安地区获取粮食补给的通道,而红军自己在延安地区组织生产自救,农业生机勃勃。东北军这帮雇佣军只管打仗,靠抢粮征粮过日子。如此围困别人的人自己反而饿死了。其次一些美国英语习惯上用间接引语表达直接对话内容的地方要按照中文习惯重新组织表达。或用间接表达方式,或用直接表达方式,最好不要混用。


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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-25 20:57 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-27 15:34 编辑


                                                                                                      Party  Two
                                                                                 THE ROAD TO THE RED CAPITAL

                                                                                                               I
                                                                                           Chased by White Bandits
   
      ‘Down with the landlords who eat our flesh!’
      ‘Down with the militarists who drink our blood!’
      ‘Down with the traitors who sell China to Japan!’
      ‘Welcome the United Front with all anti-Japanese armies!’
      ‘Long live the Chinese Red Army!’
       It was under these somewhat disturbing exhortations, emblazoned in bold black characters, that I spent my first night in Red territory.
        But it was not in An Tsai and not under the protection of any Red soldiers. For, as I had feared, we did not reach An Tsai that day, but by sunset had arrived only at a little village that nestled in the curve of a river, with hills brooding darkly on every side. Several layers of slate—roofed houses rose up from the lip of the stream, and it was on their mud-brick walls that the slogans were chalked. Fifty or sixty peasants and staring children poured out to greet my caravan of one donkey.
        My young emissary of the Poor People’s League decided to deposit me here. One of his cows had recently calved, he said; there were wolves in the neighborhood, and he had to get back to his charges. An Tsai was still ten miles distant and we could not get there easily in the dark. He turned me over for safekeeping to the chairman of the local branch of the Poor people’s League. Both guide and muleteer refused any compensation for their services—either in White money or in Red.
        The chairman was a youth in his early twenties who wore a faded blue cotton jacket under a brown, open face, and a pair of white trousers above a pair of leathery bare feet. He welcomed me and was very kind. He offered me a room in the village meeting house, and had not water brought to me, and a bowl of millet. But I declined the dark, evil-smelling room and petitioned for the use of two dismantled doors. Laying these on a couple of benches, I unrolled my blankets and made my bed in the open. It was a gorgeous night, with a clear sky spangled with northern stars, and the waters in a little fall below me murmured of peace and tranquility. Exhausted from the long walk, I fell asleep immediately.
When I opened my eyes again dawn was just breaking. The chairman was standing over me, shaking my shoulder.
       ‘What is it?’
        ‘You had better leave a little early. There are bandits near here, and you ought to get to An Tsai quickly,’
Bandits? He was not talking about Reds, he meant ‘White bandits’. I got up without further persuasion. I did not want anything to happen to me so ridiculous as being kidnapped by white bandits in Soviet China.
        White bandits were in the Kuomintang’s terminology called min-t’uan, or ‘people’s corps’, just as Red bandits were in soviet terminology called yu-chi-tui, ‘roving bands’—Red partisans. In an effort to combat peasant uprisings, the min-t’uan forces had increasingly been organized by the Kuomintang. They functioned as an organic part of the pao-chia system, and ancient method of controlling the peasantry the peasantry which was now being widely imposed by both the Kuomintang in China and the Japanese in Manchukuo.
Pao-chia literally means ‘guaranteed armor’. One chia consisted of approximately ten families, with a headman supposedly elected but usually appointed by the local magistrate. One pao was made up of approximately ten chia. The combined pao-chia was held collectively responsible to the district magistrate(hsien chang), a government at appointee, for any offence committed by any member of the roughly hundred-family unit. It was the chia headman’s duty to report any ‘rebel son’ in his group, otherwise he would be punished for any irregularity. By such means the Mongols and Manchus had pacified rural China—and it was not a popular means, especially among the poor.
         As a measure for preventing the organization of peasant protest it was almost unbeatable. Since headmen of the pao-chia were nearly always rich farmers, landlords, pawnbrokers, or money-lenders—most zealous of subjects—naturally they were not inclined to ‘guarantee’ any tenant or debtor peasants of a rebellious turn of mind. Yet not to be guaranteed wa a serious matter. An unguaranteed man could be thrown in jail on any pretext, as a ‘suspicious’ character’.
        This meant in effect that the whole peasantry was placed at the mercy of the gentry, who at any time could ruin a man by refusing to guarantee him. Among the functions of the pao-chia, and a very important one, was the collection of taxes for the maintenance of the min-t’uan, or militia. The min-t’uan was selected, organized, and commanded by the landlords and gentry. Its primary duties were to fight communism, to help collect rents and share-crop debts, to collect loans and interest, and to support the local magistrate’s effort to gather in the taxes.
          Hence it happened that, when the Red Army occupied a territory, its first as well as its last enemy was the min-t’uan. For the min-t’uan had no base except in the landlords who paid them, and they lost that base when the Reds came in. Class war in China was best seen in the struggles between min-t’uan and Red partisans, for here very often was a direct armed conflict between landlords and their former tenants and debtors. Min-t’uan and Red partisans, for here very often was a direct armed conflict between landlords and their former tenants and debtors. Min-t’uan mercenaries numbered hundreds of thousands and were most important auxiliaries of the some 2,000,000 nominally anti-Red troops of China.
         Now,although there was a truce between the Red Army and the Kuomintang Army on thisfront, attacks by the min-t’uan on the Red partisan brigades continuedintermittently. In Sian, Lochuan, and Yenan I had heard that many landlords whohad fled to these cities were now financing or personally leading the Whitebandits to operate in the soviet border districts. Taking advantage of theabsence of the main Red forces, they made retaliatory raids into Red territory,burning and looting village and killing peasants. Leaders were carried off tothe White districts where generous rewards were given for such Red captives bythe landlords and White officers.
        Interested primarily in revanche and quick cash returns on their adventures, the min-t’uan were credited with the most destructive work of the Red-White wars. I, at any rate, had no wish to test out the White bandits’ ‘foreign policy’ on myself. Although my belongings were few, I feared that the little cash and clothing I had, together with my cameras, would prove prizes too tempting for them to overlook, if it required only the erasure of a lone foreign devil to posses them.
        After hstily swallowing some hot tea and wheat cakes, I set off with another guide and muleteer contributed by the chairman. For an hour we followed the bed of the stream, occasionally passing small cave villages, where heavy-furred dogs growled menacingly at me and child sentinels came out to demand out road pass. Then we reached a lovely pool of still water set in a natural basin hollowed from great rocks, and there I saw my first Red warrior.
        He was alone except for a white pony which stood grazing beside the stream, wearing a vivid silky-blue saddle-blanket with a yellow star on it. The young man had been bathing; at out approach he jumped up quickly, pulling on a sky-blue coat and a turban of white toweling on which was fixed a red star. A Mauser hung at his hip, with a red tassel dangling bravely from its wooden combination hoster-stock. With his hand on his gun he waited for us to come up to him, and demanded our business from the guide.
        ‘I have come to interview Mao Tse-tung.’ I said. ‘I understand his is at An Tsai. How much further have we to go?’
        ‘Chairman Mao?’ he inquired slowly. ‘No, he is not at An Tsai.’ Then he peered behind us and asked if I were alone. When he convinced himself that I was, his reserve dropped from him, he smiled as if at some secret amusement, and said, ‘I am going to An Tsai. I’ll just go alone with you to the district government.’
         He walked his pony beside me and I volunteered more details about myself, and ventured some inquires about him. I learned that he was in the political defense bureau, and was on patrol duty along this frontier. And the horse? It was a ‘gift’ from Young Marshal Chang Hsueh-liang. He told me that the Reds had captured over 1,000 horses from Chang’s troops in recent battles in north Shensi. I learned further that he was called Yao, that he was twenty-two years old, and that he had been a Red for six years.
          In a couple of hours we had reached AnTsai, which lay opposite the FuHo, a subtributary of the Yellow River. A big town on the map, An Tsai turned out to be little but the pretty shell of its wall. The streets were completely deserted and everything stood in crumbling ruins.
        ‘The town was completely destroyed over a decade ago by a great flood,’ Yao explained. ‘the whole city went swimming.’
         An Tsai’s inhabitants had not rebuilt the city, but lived now in the face of a great stone cliff, honeycombed with yao-fang, a little beyond the walls. Upon arrival we discovered, however, that the Red Army detachment stationed there had been dispatched to chase bandits, while members of the district soviet had gone to PaiChia P’ing, a nearby hamlet, to render a report to a provincial commissioner. Yao volunteered to escort me to Pai Chia P’ing—‘Hundred Family peace’—which we reached at dusk.
         I had already been in soviet territory a day and a half, yet I had seen no signs of wartime distress, had met but one Red soldier, and a populace that universally seemed to be pursing its agrarian tasks in complete composure. Yet I was not to be misled by appearances. I remember how, during the Sino-Japanese War at ShangHai in 1932, Chinese peasants had gone on tilling their fields in the very midst of battle, with apparent unconcern. So that when, just as we rounded a corner to enter ‘Hundred Family Peace’, I heard blood-curdling yells directly above me, I was not entirely unprepared.
         Looking towards the sound of the fierce battle cries, I saw, standing on the ledge above the road, in front of a row of barracks-like houses, a dozen peasants brandishing spears, pikes and a few rifles in the most uncompromising of attitudes. It seemed that the question of my fate as blockade runner—whether I was to be given the firing squad as an imperialist, or to be welcomed as an honest inquirer—was about to be settled without further delay.
I must have turned a comical face toward Yao, for the burst into laughter. ‘Pu p’a’ he chuckled. ‘Don’t be afraid. They are only some partisans—practicing. There is a Red partisan school here, Don’t be alarmed!’
        Later on I learned that the curriculum for partisans included this rehearsal of ancient Chinese war cries, just as in the days of feudal tourneys described in one of Mao Tse-tung’s favorite books, the Shui Hu Chuan. And having experienced a certain frigidity of spine as an unwitting subject of the technique, I could testify that it was still very effective in intimidating an enemy.
         I had just sat down and begun an interview with a soviet functionary to whom Yao had introduce me in Pai Chia P’ing, when a young commander, wearing a Sam Browne belt, stumbled up on a sweating horse and plunged to the ground. He looked curiously at me. And it was from him that I heard the full details of my own adventure.
The new arrival was named Pien, and he was commandant of the An Tsai Red Guard. He announced that he had just returned from an encounter with a force of about a hundred min-t’uan. A little peasant boy—a ‘Young Vanguard’—had run several miles and arrived almost exhausted at An Tsai, to warn them that min-t’uan had invaded the district. And that their leader was a really white bandit! A foreign devil—myself!
        ‘I at once took a mounted detachment over a mountain short cut, and in an hour we sighted the bandits.’ Pien recounted. ‘They were following you’—he pointed at me—only about two li behind. But we surrounded them, attacked in a valley, and captured some, including two of their leaders, and several horses. The rest escaped towards the frontier.’ As he concluded his brief report, some of his command filed into the courtyard, leading several of the captured mounts.
         I began to wonder if he really thought I was leading the min-t’uan. Had I escaped from Whites—who, had they seized me in no man’s land, undoubtedly would have called me a Red—only to be captured by the Reds and accused of being a White?
        But presently a slender young officer appeared, ornamented with a black beard unusually heavy for a Chinese. He came up and addressed me in a soft, cultured voice. ‘Hello,’ he said, ‘are you looking for somebody?’
         He had spoken in English!
         And in a moment I learned that he was the notorious Chou En-Lai.



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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-26 10:26 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-22 16:35 编辑


                                                 第二部
                                             通向红色首都的路
                                                   1
                                               被白匪追踪  
   “打倒吃我们血肉的地主!”
   “打倒吃我们血肉的军阀!”
   “打倒将中国出卖给日本的卖**!”
   “欢迎抗日武装的统一战线!”
   “中国红军万岁!”
   我就是于如此有些扰人的黑体标语下度过了在苏区的第一个晚上。
   但却并不在安塞,也没有任何红军士兵保护。正如担忧过的一样,那天我们没能够到达安塞,傍晚来到一座偎依在河湾里的小村落,四面环绕着黑黝黝的山峦。几排石板屋沿岸坡升起。标语就用粉笔写在屋子的砖泥墙上。有五六十人和一些张望的孩子们拥出来迎接我那辆一头驴拉的大篷车。
   那位穷人会里的随行者决定让我一人于此地留宿。他说,他的母牛最近产了崽,四下里有狼群,得赶回去有事。离安塞还有10来里路,摸黑赶到那儿不容易。为了安全起见,他把我交给了穷人会的地方头领。那个向导和赶车的都不肯收劳务费—红币或白币都不要。
   头领是个二十小几的年轻人,上身穿一件蓝布棉夹克,下身一条白裤子,赤着一双坚韧的脚。那人很和蔼,他欢迎我,在村教堂给我找了间屋子并送来热水和一碗小米粥。可我不喜欢那阴暗和气味不正的屋子,恳请用一下两块拆下来的门板。将门板搁在几张凳子上后,我解开卷起的铺盖在露天里铺好了床。那是个月色斑斓的夜,清朗夜空闪烁着北方星辰,下游的一涧小小飞流正平静地哼着安眠曲。走了这么长的路,我疲惫了,一下子进入梦乡。
     在国民党术语里白匪被叫做民团,而“**”在苏维埃术语里叫做游击队也就是赤卫队。为对抗农民起义,国民党组织了越来越多的民团武装。它们作为保察体系的有机组成部分运转。保察是一种古老的统治农民的权术如今被国民党和满洲的日本侵略者广泛施加。
    “保察”在文字上的意义为武力担保。一“察”大约由10家组成,头人假作是选出的,实际上通常由地方行政组织指定。一“保”由10察组成。在大约由约100个家庭组成的保察体系中,任何成员违法都由政府指派的保察组织集体负责。察首领有义务向组织汇报其成员里的任意‘反叛’者,如若不然,发生意外便惩罚负责人。通过如此手段,蒙古人和满洲人平定了中国农村。然而这不是个受欢迎的办法,尤其在穷人们之中。
    在制止农民反抗中,这一体系几乎战无不胜。因为保察的头人总是些富人、地主、典当行老板和放贷者。此事最大的热点在于,这些保察自然不想保证手下任何农民、佃户或借款人都不发生反叛。然而不做保证是件很严重的事。任何不做保证的保察都有可能被找借口当做可疑的人而投入监狱。
   这意味着所有农民实际上都在贵族们的支配下,任何时候贵族都会去毁灭一个拒绝保证的人。保察所有职能中很重要的一个是去收取维系民团或者说民兵组织的费用。民团则由地主和乡绅们选举、组织和指挥。民团的主要任务是同共产主义战斗,并去收租子、收成税、贷款和税款。还要协助地方官员收税。
    如此,当红军占领了一地,他们第一个敌人便是民团,最后一个敌人还是民团。因为若地主不给钱,民团就没有经济基础,红军一来民团的基础就不存在了。中国的阶级斗争在红军和民团的战斗中最好地体现出来。此地常发生地主同先前佃户和债务人之间的直接武装冲突。数十万民团雇佣兵是中国2百万**部队的重要帮手。
    红军和国民党部队而今虽在前线实现了停火,民团袭击红色游击队事件却还不断发生。我在西安、洛川和延安也听说过,很多逃到外地的地主正资助或个别领导白匪在苏区活动。他们常常利用主力红军不在之时机报复性袭击苏区,劫掠烧毁村落并杀死农民。红色头领们则被带到白区,那里地主和白匪军官会丰厚地奖励俘获了红色首领的人。
    民团热衷于报复和快捷的现金回馈不久就被公认干着红白战争中最具破坏力的事。不管怎样我都不想用自己去试试白匪和他们的“外交政策”。我虽然没有多少财产,却为那点现金和衣物担心,还有相机。担心它们成为白匪难以忽略的莫大诱惑,而得到那些不过仅需除掉我这个洋鬼子。
    匆匆喝了些热茶又吞下些麦饼后,我又随着当下这位穷人会头领另派的向导和骡夫上了路。沿河床走了一个小时,间或路过些小小的窑洞村,那里的长毛狗吼叫着威胁我,儿童团们站出来向我要通行证。之后我们走到一潭秀美的静水边,大岩石空出的一块天然盆地,水潭就在盆地里。那儿我见到了第一位红军战士。
    战士孤身一人,只有匹白马站在小河边吃草,马鞍上盖着天蓝色的褥子,上面绣着颗黄五星。年轻人在水里沐了浴,上岸时快捷地一蹦,穿上天蓝外套又裹起绣着红五星的白头巾。他腰间挎一杆毛瑟枪,猩红的枪穗从木头枪匣子里摇落下来。年轻人把手按在枪上等我们靠近,并问了想到有何公干。
    “我是来采访**的。”我说,“知道他在安塞。还得走多远的路呀?”
    “是找毛主席的?”战士缓缓问道,“他现在不在安寨。”当他确信我确实是来采访毛主席的人后便不保守了,有些暗自喜悦似的笑着。他说:“我也正往安塞赶路。就陪你去区政府吧。”
     战士让马走在我身边,我又多报了些自己的家门并趁机问了他的身世。他说是政治保卫局的人,正在边界上巡逻执勤。至于那匹马则是少帅张学良送的“大礼”,还告诉我最在近陕北的战斗中红军从张学良那里缴获了一千匹马。我又得知他姓姚,22岁,参加红军已6年了。



    我们个把小时就到了安塞。安塞靠着延河,那是黄河的一条支流。地图上安塞是个大县城,可除了那一围城墙外看上去却很小。街道全荒芜着,四处一片废墟。   
   “十多年前安塞被一次大洪水彻底摧毁了。”姚解释到,“整个县城都随波而去。”
     安塞住民们并没有重建县城。如今他们住在离城墙不远处的大石头崖壁上,窑洞像蜂窝一样紧密相连。到了以后我们发现,先前驻扎在那里的红军分遣队已被派去追击白匪,而地区苏维埃成员组移居到附近一个叫百家平的村落里去向省委汇报情况。姚主动要求护送我去百家平,这个地名意味百家百户平安无事。我们傍晚就到了那里。
    我抵达苏区已有一天半时间,却并没有发现战争年代的萧条景象,仅路遇一名红军战士,还见到些镇静地一如既往干农活的农民大众。我却不想被表面现象迷惑。我记起1932年在上海爆发的中日战端里,中国农民如何若无其事地耕种着土地。如此当我们拐了个弯进入百家平听见头顶上杀声震天时,我并非毫无准备。
    沿着杀声传来的方向望去,我见到一排营房式的屋子前几十个农民站在高出公路的平台上。他们以一种绝不妥协的姿态挥舞着大刀长矛和步枪。作为一名闯过封锁线的人,我到底会被当成帝国主义交给射击队还是当作诚实的调查员加以欢迎?似乎一切都不会再拖延下去了。
    我不得不对姚作出一脸滑稽的无奈。“不怕。”他咯咯地笑了起来,“不用害怕。不过是些游击队员在军训。这里有个游击队学校,不用大惊小怪。”
    后来我得知,游击队日常课程里含有演习中国古代战场上的呐喊声,如同**爱看的《水浒传》里描述的封建割据时期一般。我脊背一阵寒凉地收缩起来,证实这种秘密军事技能确实还能够有效地吓唬吓唬敌人。
    我刚准备坐下来在百家平采访一名姚战士推荐的苏维埃职员,突然有位穿戴布朗宁军皮带的年轻指挥员从一匹汗披披的战马上翻身跳下了地面。他好奇地看着我。我才从他那里得知有关这次冒险之旅的详情。
    这个新来的人姓彭,是安塞赤卫队指挥员。他宣称刚刚从同百余人民团武装的遭遇战中归来。一名农村儿童少先队员,跑了几里路,到安塞时已精疲力竭。他报告有民团入侵苏区,头是个真正的白匪。一个洋鬼子指的就是我!
    “我立刻带领骑兵队从山间近道前往。不到一个小时就看见了匪军。”彭描述到,“他们正在追踪你。仅在你身后两里地。”说着他用手指向我。“我们包围了他们,在山谷里伏击。俘虏了一些人和几匹马,其间还有两名军官。余下的逃往前线方向去了。”彭刚做完简短描述,他指挥下的人就涌入了院子,带进来一些战利品。
    我开始怀疑彭是否真的会认为民团就是我带进来的。若白匪在无人之地抓住我,毫无疑问会把我当作红军。我逃了出来,又被红军抓住。红军会指责我是白匪吗?
    正在此时,一名身材修长的年轻军官出现了。他留着黑色长胡须,比一般中国人留的更浓重。那人走上前来有教养地轻声同我打招呼,“喂!你是在找人吗?”
    他居然在说英语!
    不一会儿我便得知,那人就是大名鼎鼎的周恩来!


导读:安塞是红色根据地,**到了安塞却并没有见到红军大部队。他只见到了一名红军战士和一群平静干农活的农民。这是为什么呢?红军在陕北开辟根据地,主力红军一直处在运动战状态,哪里有敌情就运动到那里。他们在战术思想上保持着井冈山时期“化零为整,化整为零”之策略。再则,陕北根据地一如既往地被国民党几十万剿共部队围困着,一切同外界的物资往来都被封锁。红军为了革命和生存正展开大规模生产自救运动。他们脱下军装就是那些在田间地头忙碌的农民。一边训练一边耕织。那些田间平静干活的农民莫不就是红军?**来到苏区,报道苏区自身的风险也是显而易见的。严密的**必然导致红军方面并不知道他成行的目的,况且身后还跟着一队追踪的白匪。人们会怀疑他是个引狼入室的人吗?










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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-28 17:58 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-8-30 10:10 编辑

                                                                                                                 2
                                                                                                 The Insurrectionist      
        After I had talked for a few minutes with Chou En-lai and explained who I was, he arranged for me to spend the night in Pai Chia P’ing, and asked me to come next morning to his headquarters in a nearby village.
        I sat down to dinner with a section of the communications department, which was stationed here, and met a dozen young men who were billeted in Pai Chia P’ing. Some of them were teachers in the partisan school, one was a radio operator, and some were officers of the Red Army. Our meal consisted of boiled chicken, unleavened whole-wheat bread, cabbage, millet, and potatoes, of which I ate heartily. But, as usual, there was nothing to drink but hot water and I could not touch it. I was parched with thirst.
         The food was served—delivered is the word—by two nonchalant young lads wearing uniforms several sizes too large for them, and peaked Red caps wearing uniforms several sizes too large for them, and peaked caps with long bills that kept flapping down over their eyes. They looked at me sourly at first, but after a few minutes I managed to provoke a friendly grin from one of them. Emboldened by this success, I called to him as he went past.
       ‘Wei(hey)!’ I called, ‘bring us some cold water.’
        The youth simply ignored me. In a few minutes I tried the other one, with no better result.
        Then I saw that Li K’e-nung, head of the communications section, was laughing at me behind his thick—lensed goggles. He plucked my sleeve. ‘You can call him “little devil”’, he advised, ‘or you can call him “comrade”(t’ung-chih)—but you can not call him wei! In here everybody is a comrade. These lads are Young Vanguards, and they are here because they are revolutionaries and volunteer to help us. They are not servants. They are future Red warriors.’
Just then the cold(boiled) water did arrive.
        ‘Thank you.’ I said apologetically, ‘—comrade!’
        The Young Vanguard looked at me boldly. ‘Never mind that,’ he said, ‘you don’t thank a comrade for a thing like that!’
        I had never before seen so much personal dignity in any Chinese youngsters. This first encounter was only the beginning of a series of surprises that the Young Vanguards were to give me, for as I penetrated deeper into the soviet districts I was to discover in these red-cheeked ‘little Red devils’—cheerful, gay, energetic, and loyal—the living spirit of an astonishing crusade of youth. It was one of an astonishing crusade of youth.
        It was of those Sons of Lenin, in fact, who escorted me in the morning to Chou En-lai’s headquarters. That turned out to be a bombproof hut(half cave) surrounded by many others exactly like it, in which farmers dwelt undismayed by the fact that they were in a battle area to have disturbed the rustic serenity. Before the quarters of Chou En-lai, for whose head Chiang Kai-shek had offered $80,000, there was one sentry.
        Inside I saw that the room was clean but furnished in the barest fashion. A mosquito net hanging over the clay k’ang was the only luxury observable. A couple of iron dispatch boxes stood at the foot of it, and a little wooden table served as desk. Chou was bending over it reading radiograms when the sentry announced my arrival.
‘I have a report that you are a reliable journalist, friendly to the Chinese people, and that you can be trusted to tell the truth,’ said Chou. ‘This is all we want to know. It does not matter to us that you are not a Communist. We will welcome any journalist who comes to see the soviet districts. It does not matter to us that you are not a Communist. We will welcome any journalist who comes to see the soviet districts. It is not we, but the Kuomintang, who prevent it. You can write about anything you see and you will be given every help to investigate the soviet districts.’
        Evidently the ‘report’ about me had come from the Communists’ secret headquarters in Sian. The Reds had radio-communication with all important cities of China, including ShangHai, Hankow, Nanking, and Tientsin. Despite frequent seizures of Red radio sets in the White cities, the Kuomintang had never secceeded in severing urban—rural Red communications for very long. According to Chou, the Kuomintang had never cracked the Red Army’s codes since they first established a radio department, with equipment captured from the White troops.
        Chou’s radio station, a portable wireless set powered by a manully operated generator, was erected only a short distance from his headquarters. Through it he was in touch with all important points in the soviet areas, and with every front. He even had direct communication with Commander-in-Chief Chu-The, whose forces were then stationed hundreds of miles to the south-west, on the Szechuan-Tibetan border. There was a radio school in PaoAn, temporary soviet capital in the North—West, where about ninety students were being trained as radio engineers. They picked up the daily broadcasts from Nanking, ShangHai, and Tokyo, and furnished news to the press of Soviet China.
        Chou squatted before his little desk and put aside his radiograms—mostly reports (he said) from units stationed at various points along the Yellow River, opposite Shensi province, the Reds’ Eastern Front. He began working out a ** containing items covering a trip of ninety-two days.
        ‘This is my recommendation,’ he said, ‘but whether you follow it is your own business. I think you will find it an interesting journey.’
        But ninety—two days! And almost half of them to be spent on foot or horseback. What was there to be seen? Were the Red districts so extensive as that? As it turned out, I was to spend much longer than he had suggested, and in the end to leave with reluctance because I had seen so little.
        Chou promised me the use of a horse to carry me to PaoAn, three days distant, and arranged for me to leave the following morning, when I could accompany part of the communications corps that was returning to provisional capital. I learned that Mao Tse-tung and other soviet functionaries were there now, and Chou agreed to send a radio message to them telling of my arrival.
        As we talked I had been studying Chou with deep interest; like many Red leaders, he was much a legend as a man. Slender and of medium height, with a slight wiry frame, he was boyish in appearance despite his long black beard, and had large, warm, deep-set eyes. A certain magnetism about him seemed to derive from a combination of personal charm and assurance of command. His English was somewhat hesitant and difficult. He told me he had not used it for five years. The account below is based on notes of our conversation at that time.
Chou was born in 1899 in Huai-an, Kiangsu, in which he called a ‘bankrupt mandarin’ family’. His mother was a native of Shaohsing, Chekiang province. Chou was given (at the age of four months) to the family of his father’s young brother. The brother was about to die without issue when Chou’s father, to assure him of male posterity( on the family tables), presented him with En-lai to rear as his own son. ‘My aunt became my real mother when I was a baby,’ said Chou. ‘I did not leave her for even one day until I was ten years old—when she and my natural mother both died.’
         Chou’s paternal grandfather was a scholar who served as a magistrate in Huai-an county, north Kiangsu, during the Manchu Dynasty. It was there that Chou spent his childhood, while his father, Chou Yun—liang, who had passed the imperial examinations, vainly waited for a magistry; he died while Chou was still an infant. His foster mother (Who Chou called ‘mother’) was highly literate, and that was not general then among officials’ wives. Still more uncommon, she liked fiction and ‘forbidden’ stories of past rebellions, to which she introduced Chou as a child. His early education was in a family school under a private tutor who taught classical literature and philosophy, to prepare one for official life. After his ‘two mothers’ died Chou was sent to live with another aunt and uncle—his father’s older brother, who was also an official—in Fengtien (Mukden, ShengYang), Manchuria. He began to read illegal books and **s written or inspired by such reformist as Liang Ch’i-ch’ao.
         At the age of fourteen Chou entered Nankai middle School, in Tientsin. The monarchy had been overthrown and Chou now fully ‘came under the influence of the Kuomintang’ or Nationalist Party founded by Dr Sun Yat-sen. Japan had provided hospitality to Sun Yat-sen during his agitation against the monarchy. Sun still found refuge there as he prepared to overthrown corrupt warlords who had seized the republic. Chou himself went to Japan in 1917, the year he graduated from Nankai Middle School. While learning Japanese, Chou was an ‘auditor student’ at Waseda University in Tokyo, and at the University of Kyoto. He also became widely acquainted with revolutionary—minded Chinese students in Japan during his eighteen months there, and kept in touch, through letters and reading, with events in Peking.
        In 1919 the former director of Nankai Middle School, Chang po-ling, became the chancellor of the newly organized Nankai University of Tiensin. Chou left Japan to enroll there at Chang’s invitation. Meanwhile his relatives—‘a spendthrift lot’, Chou called them—had become so impoverished that they could provide no support for Chou’s college plans. Chang Po-ling gave Chou a job that paid enough to meet costs of tuition, lodging, and books. ‘During my last two years at Nankai Middle School I had received no help from my family. I lived on a scholarship which I won as best student in my class. In Japan I had lived by borrowing from my friends. Now at Nankai University I became editor of the Hsueh-sheng Lien-ho hui Pao(Students’ Union **), which helped cover some expensese.’ Chou managed to do that despite five months spent in jail in 1919, as a leader of Nankai’s student rebellion which grew out of the May Fourth movement.
         During that period Chou helped to form the Chueh-wu Shi, or Awakening Society, a radical group whose members later became, various, anarchists, Nationalist, and Communists. (One of them was Teng Ying-Chao,+ whom Chou was to marry in 1925.) The Awakening Society existed until the end of 1920, when four of its founders, led by Chou, went to France as part of the Work-Study program organized by Ch’en Tu-hsiu+ and other Francophiles.
        ‘Before going to France,’ said Chou, ‘I read translations of the Communist Manifesto; Kautsky’s Class Struggle; the October Revolution. These books were published under the auspices of the New Youth(Hsin Ch’ing-Nien), edited by Ch’en Tu-hsiu. I also personally met Ch’en Tu-hsiu as well as Li Ta-chao+ who were to become founders of the Chinese Communist Party.’(Chou made no reference to any meeting with Mao Tse-tung at that time.)
   
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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-29 17:47 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2018-1-22 17:55 编辑

                                                 2
                                           起来造  反的人
    说明自己的来历又同周恩来攀谈了几分钟后,周恩来便安排我在百家平过夜并让我第二天早上前往他在邻村的指挥部。
    我坐下来和情报局的一个部门共进晚餐,那个部门就驻扎在百家平,共坐的还有几十个于此地宿营的年轻人。他们有些人在党校当教师,其中有个发报员还有些红军干部。晚餐有炖鸡、大饼、洋白菜、小米粥和土豆。我痛快地吃了一顿。可照例没有什么喝的,只有些碰不得的烫开水。口渴的很。
    有人来做餐饮服务或者说不过端端吃的。服务员是两个穿着大了几号军装的青少年,头上戴着长舌军帽,帽舌耷拉下来直盖住眼睛。他俩起先酸酸地看着我,几分钟后我试探性地向其中一人友好地咧嘴一笑。这个胜利的鼓舞下,他路过时我喊了出口:
    “喂,给我们拿些凉水来吧。”
    那年轻人径直没理我。几分钟后我又试探另一人,也没有得到什么更好的回应。
    随后我见情报处李克农那双深度近视镜片后的眼睛正在嘲笑。他拉了拉我的袖子说:“你可以叫他‘红小鬼’或者‘同志’但不能叫他‘喂’,这地方所有人都是同志。” 孩子们都是少先队,自愿来帮助我们原因在于他们是革命者,而不是侍从。他们是将来的红军。
正在此时冷开水也端来了。
    “谢谢你,同志!”我有礼貌地说。
    少先队大胆地看着我回应到,“别在意,不用为这点小事去感谢同志。”

    过去我从未见过中国青年有如此自尊。然而这样的初次相遇却是少年先锋队给我一系列惊奇的开端。进一步深入苏区后发现,这些红脸蛋的“红小鬼”活泼、欢快、精神抖擞并忠诚令人惊讶有着活生生十字军精神的青年。
     正是这些列宁的孩子们,他们早上护送我去了周恩来的指挥部。那实际上是个防空洞,四周围着同样的洞。战区农民住在里面一点也不害怕。东部前线指挥员也就住在这样的洞穴里。附近驻扎的少数部队看上去并没有搅乱乡村的宁静。那个蒋介石悬赏8万元要取其人头的周恩来,他屋前仅有一名哨兵。
     屋里很干净,仅有几件简单家具,挂在泥炕上的蚊帐为仅有的奢侈品。床下放着几只铁壳文件箱,室内还有张充当办公桌的小木桌子。哨兵进屋报告时候周恩来正在阅读电报。
    “有项报道说你是个可以信赖的记者,对中国人友善,值得信任并委以事实。”周恩来说,“这些便是我们想知道的一切。你不是名共产党员也无关紧要。我们欢迎任何前来苏区看看的记者。是国民党在阻止你们而不是我们共产党。你可以写见到的一切,采访中会得到所有帮助。”
    显然,这项关于我的报道是从共产党在西安的秘密总部发来的。红军同所有中国重要城市都保持着无线电往来,包括上海、杭州、南京和天津。白区城市虽经常捕获红色电台却长期以来从未切断过城乡间的红色通讯。周恩来说,自红军利用从国民党部队缴获的装备建立第一个电台以来,敌人还从未破译过电台密码。
    周恩来的电台就设在离总部不远的地方,是个便携式发报机,用手摇发电机供电。他通过这台设备同苏区所有关键节点联系,还同每条火线联络,甚至与驻扎在西南方向几百里外川藏边界的朱总司令有直接通讯。西北地区临时红色首都保安设有一所红色无线电通讯学校,90多名学员在里面接受培训以作无线电工程师。他们每天接收来自南京、上海和东京的信号并为苏区报刊提供新闻。
   周恩来蹲坐在小办公桌前,他将手里的文件放在一边。据说多为来自陕西对面沿黄河部署的多点前线部队报告,那里是红军的东部前沿。他正开始着手理出一份92天旅程所需物品的材料。
   “这是我的建议。”他说“采纳与否你自己看着办。你会发现这是次有趣的旅行。”
     92天的旅程?且几乎一半的路要靠骑马或步行! 那里有什么可看的?苏区有那么大地盘吗?事实上我花了比建议里更长的时间,最后还有些不情愿离开,因为还有很多没来得及看。
     周恩来承诺让我骑马去保安,三天的路程,并安排我第二天一早启程。那样可以跟随返回临时红色首都的情报部队的一部分人员成行。我得知**和苏维埃政府其他成员当前都在保安。他也同意发一份电报过去,通报一下我的到来。
    一边谈着我一边深有兴趣地研究着周恩来。他是个充满传奇的男人,正如同其他红军领袖一样。消瘦的中等身材,一副刚毅外表,若不是那一缕黑色长胡须看上去颇有些孩子气。他眼窝深陷,长着一双大而温情的眼睛。个人魅力和他的指挥若定使周恩来产生了对周围人的吸引力。他说英语有些迟疑和不熟练,告诉我快有5年没用这外语了。以下陈述便建立在当时谈话笔录的基础上。
     周恩来1899年出生于江苏省淮安市的一个被他成为“没落满清家族”。母亲是浙江省绍兴人。他五个月大就被送给了叔叔。那个叔叔快死了却没有子嗣,父亲为了让弟弟在族谱上有个男性继承人就把周恩来送给他作亲生儿子。“还是个婴儿的时候,姨娘成了我实际上的母亲。”周恩来说:“10岁之前,我从来没有离开过她一天。那年姨娘和亲生母亲都过世了。”
     他祖父是一名满清王朝的秀才,在苏北淮安县当地方官。周恩来童年就在淮安度过。父亲周贻能通过了科举考试,却白白等着职位。自己还是个婴孩时父亲就过世了。养母是个文化很高的女人,在当时的官太太中很少见。更不同寻常的是,养母爱看小说和有关古代叛乱的“**”,因此也向童年周恩来引荐了那些读物。周恩来的早期教育是在家里接受的,由一名私塾教员教他古典文学和古典哲学以备将来能当个官。母亲和姨娘过世后,他被送到大伯和婶婶家里。大伯也是个官,在满洲的奉天干事。在那里周恩来开始阅读一些由梁启超之流写的“非法读物”。
     14岁那年,周恩来进了南开中学。当年君主立宪制政体被推翻,周恩来彻底受到孙逸仙创办下的国民党影响。在煽动推翻君主立宪体制过程中,孙逸仙得到日本方面的善意。当准备二次革命推翻被军阀篡夺的共和政体时,他还**日本并得到庇护。1917年,当周恩来从南开中学毕业后自己也去了日本。周恩来一边学习日语一边在东京早稻田大学和京都大学作旁听生。在东京的18个月里他广泛结识了具有革命头脑的中国留学生,也通过书信和阅读了解北京的形势。
        1919年,南开中学前任主管张伯苓就任新创办的天津南开大学校长。周恩来应张的邀请离开东京前往就读。同时被周恩来称为“挥霍无度者”的那帮亲戚已变得如此贫穷,再也不能支持他的大学学业。张伯苓为周恩来找了一份薪资不错的工作,足以支付学费、住宿费和书本费。“在南开中学的最后两年里,我已无法收到来自家里的资助。>我*全班第一的奖学金生活。而在日本靠向朋友们借钱过日子。我成了南开大学《学生联合会报》的编辑,用薪水来支付那些费用。”除了在1919年五四学生运动中被捕入狱5个月,周恩来都这样过着日子。
     那段时日里,周恩来协助创办了觉悟社。那是个激进主义组织,成员们后来成为了无政府主义者、民族主义份子和共产党员等形形式式的人(其间有名成员叫邓颖超,1925年她与周恩来结了婚。)觉悟社一直运行到1920年年底。那年周恩来领导下的四个觉悟社创始人在陈独秀等亲法者组织下前往法国,作为勤工俭学项目的一个组成部分。
     周恩来说:“去法国之前我就阅读了《共产党宣言》的译本,还有考茨基的《论阶级斗争》以及《十月革命》。这些文章是在陈独秀编辑的《新青年》杂志掩护下出版的。我也私下里会见了陈独秀和李大钊。这两人后来成为了共产党创始人。”(周恩来并没有提到那时同**的任何会见。)

导读:从单词意义取舍看当时西北革命形势。“Communication Corps”到底是通讯部队还是情报部队。从字典释意上看很明确是“通讯部队”。但李克农所在的组织被公认为“情报机构”。这里面到底暗含着什么蹊跷?通讯是一种惯常的联系形式,比如电话通讯,我爱什么时候打电话就什么时候打电话。但当时的红色革命形势能做到这样吗?显然做不到。不仅从国民党部队那里夺取过来的发报机本身就很少,而且发报信号一旦被国民党搜索到就可能造成电台灭失。所以实际上苏区的相互通讯频率非常低,而且要非常重要的消息才能秘密发报。这样用“通讯部队”就名不副实,而用“情报部队”很合适,它说明了当时的严峻革命形势和联络工作之艰难。通讯仅仅为情报的一个很小组成部分,都不能独立称呼。当时的称呼是情报部队,通讯小组。小组不依靠单纯通讯为工作,平时就是搞情报工作。难得通讯。






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 楼主| 发表于 2017-8-31 15:06 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 九州方圆 于 2017-9-1 11:10 编辑


        ‘I sailed for France in October 1920. On the way I met many Hunanese students who were members of the Hsin-Min Hsueh-hui(the New People’s Study Society), organized by Mao Tse-tung. Among these were Ts’a Ho-sen and his sister,Ts’a Chang, who organized the first China Socialist Youth Corps in France in 1921. In 1922 I became a founder—member of the (Chinese) Communist Youth League and began to work full time for that organization. After two years I went to London, where I spent two and a half months. I did not like it. Then I went to Germany and worked there for a year, helping to organize. Our Communist Youth League had sent delegates to ShangHai in 1922, to request admission to the party, formed the year before. Our petition being granted, the CYL became formally affiliated with the party, and thus I became a Communist. Founder—members of the CYL in France who became Party members in this way included Ts’ai Ho-sen, Ts’ai Ch’ang, Chao Shih-yen, Li Fu-ch’un, Li Li-san, Wang Jo-fei, and the two sons of Ch’en Tu-hsiu—Chen Yen-nien and Ch’en Ch’ao-nien. Ch’en Yen-nien latter became a rickshaw puller in order to organize rickshamen in Shanghai. During the counter-revolution he was captured and badly tortured before he was killed. His brother was executed at Lunghua a year later—1928.’
         ‘Among members of our Chinese Students’ Union in France more than four hundred joined the CYL. Fewer than a hundred joint the anarchists and about a hundred became Nationalists.’
         Financial support for Chinese students in France came from the Sino-France Educational Association and from Tsai Yuan-p’ei and Li Shih-tseng. ‘Many old and patriotic gentlemen,’ said Chou, ‘privately helped us students, and with no personal political aims.’Chou did no manual labor in France, except for a brief period at the Renault plant, when he studied labor organization. After a year with a private tutor, learning the French language, he devoted his entire time to politics. ‘Later on,’ Chou told me, ‘when friends remarked that I had used Yen Hsiu’s money to become a Communist, Yen quoted a Chinese proverb, ‘Every intelligent man has his own purpose!”’
In France, London, and Germany Chou spent three years. On his return to China he stopped briefly for instructions in Moscow. Late in 1924 he arrived in Canton, where he became Chiang Kai-shek’s deputy director of the political department of Whampoa Academy.(While still in Paris Chou had been elected to the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang. In Canton he was also elected secretary of the Kwangtung provincial Communist Party—paradox of a strange alliance!)At Whampoa, Chou’s real boss was the Russian adviser, General Vasili Bluecher, known in Canton as Galin.
         Under the skillful guidance of Galin, and of the Russian’s chief political adviser, Mikhail borodin, Chou En-lai built up a circle of cadet disciples known as the League of Military Youth, which included Lin Piao and other future generals of the Red Army. His influence was further enhanced when, in 1925, he was appointed political commissar of the nationalists’ first division, which suppressed a revolt near Swatow—an occasion Chou utilized to organized labor unions in that port. In March 1926 Kuomintang-Communist tension resulted in Chiang’s first anti-Communist blow. He succeeded in ending the practice of dual-party membership and removed many Communists from Whampoa post. Chou En-lai remained, however, on Chiang Kai-shek’s orders.
        During 1926 the Northen Expedition got under way; with Chiang Kai-shek as commander-in-chief selected jointly by the Kuomintang and the Communists. Chou En-lai was ordered to prepare an insurrection and help the Nationalist Army seize Shanghai. Within three months the Communist Party had organized 600,000 workers and was able to call a general strike, but it was a fiasco. Unarmed and untrained, the workers did not know how to go about ‘seizing the city’.
         Underestimating the significance of the first and then of a second strike, the northern warlords cut off a number of heads but failed to halt the labor movement, while Chou En-lai learned by practice ‘how to lead an uprising’. Chou and such Shanghai labor leaders as Chao Tse-yen, Chao Shih-yen, Ku Shun-chang, and Lo Yi-ming now succeeded in organizing 50,000 pickets. With Mausers smuggled into the city an ‘iron band’ of 300 marksmen was trained, to became the only armed force these Shanghai workers had.
On 21 March 1927, the revolutionists called a general strike which closed all the industries of Shanghai. They first seized the police stations, next the arsenal, then the garrison, and after that, victory. Five thousand workers were armed, six battalions of revolutionary troops created, the warlord armies withdrew, and a ‘citizens’ government’ was proclaimed. ‘Within two days’, said Chou, ‘we won everything but the foreign concessions.’
         The international Settlement (jointly controlled by Britain, the US, and Japan) and the French Concession which adjoined it were never attacked during the third insurrection; otherwise the triumph was complete—and short lived. The Nationalist Army, led by General Pai Chung-his, was welcomed to the city by the workers’ militia. Then on 12 April the Nationalist-Communist coalition abruptly ended when Chiang Kai-shek set up a separate regime in Nanking, to lead one of history’ classic counter-revolutions.
         In the French Concession and the international Settlement, Chiang’s envoys had secretly conferred with representatives of the foreign power. They reached agreements to cooperate against the Chinese Communists and their Russian allies—until then also Chiang’s allies. Given large sums by Shanghai’s bankers, and the blessings of the foreign authorities, including guns and armored cars, Chiang was also helped by powerful Settlement and Concession underworld leaders. They mobilized hundreds of professional gangsters. Installed in the foreigner’s armored cars, and attired in Nationalist uniforms, the gangsters carried out a night operation in coordination with Chiang’s troops, moving in from the rear and other flanks. Taken by complete surprise by troops considered friendly, the militiamen were massacred and their ‘citizens’ government bloodily dissolved.
          And thus it happened that Chou En-lai, after a remarkably lucky escape began hislife as a fugitive from Kuomintang assassins and a leader of the revolution which finally raised the Red banner in Dozens of Chou En-lai’s close co-workersin the Shanghai Uprising were seized and executed. Chou estimated the toll of the‘Shanghai Massacre’ at 5,000 lives. He himself was captured by Chiang Kai-shek’sSecond Division, and General Pai Chung-his(later ruler of Kwangsi) issued anorder for his execution. But the brother of the division commander had been Chou’sstudent at Whampoa, and he helped Chou to escape.
          The insurrectionist fled to Wuhan and then to Nanchang, where he helped organize the August First Uprising. Senior member of the Politburo at the time, Chou was secretary of the Front Committee that directed the uprising, which was a fiasco. Next he went to Swatow and held it for ten days against assaults from both foreign gunboats and the native troops of militarists. With the failure and defeat of the Canton Commune, Chou was obliged to work underground—until 1931, when he succeeded in ‘running the blockade’ and entered the soviet districts of Kiangsi and Fukien. There he was make political commissar to Chu The, commander in-chief of the Red Army. Later Chou became vice-chairman of the revolutionary military council, and office he still held when I met him. There had been years of exhausting struggle in the South, and then the Long March…But of Chou’s further story, and of the scenes and events already mentioned, I was shortly to learn more , and in a broader context, from Mao Tse-tung and others.
         Chou left me with an impression of a cool, logical, and empirical mind. In his days at Nankai (I had heard from one of his classmates there) Chou had often taken feminine leads in school plays. There was nothing effeminate about the tough, bearded, unsentimental soldier I met in Pai Chia P’ing but there was charm—one quality in the mixed ingredients that were to make Chou Red China’s No.1 diplomat.


                                                                                                                         3
                                                                                                   Something About Ho Lung

          Next morning at six I set out with a squad of about forty youths of the communications corps, who were escorting a caravan of goods to PaoAn.
          I found that only myself, Fu Chin-kuei, an emissary from the Waichiaopu—the Red’s own ‘Foreign Office’—and Li Chiang-lin, a Red commander, were mounted. It may not be precisely the word: Fu had a privileged perch on a stout but already heavily laden mule; Li Chiang-lin rode an equally overburdened ass; and I was vaguely astride the lone horse, which at times I could not be quite sure was really there at all.
          My animal had a quarter-room back and a camel gait. His enfeebled legs wobbled so that I expected him at any moment to buckle up and breathe his last. He was especially disconcerting as we crept along the narrow trails hewn from steep cliffs that rose up from the river bed we followed. It seemed to me that any sudden shift of my weight over his sunken flanks would send us both hurtling to the rocky gorge below.
          Li Chiang-lin laughed down from his pyramid of luggage at my discomfiture. ‘That’s a fine saddle you are sitting, t’ung-chih, but what is that underneath it?’
At his gibe I could not resist commenting: ‘Just tell me this, Li Chiang-lin, how can you fight on dogs like these? Is this how you mount your Red Cavalry?’
‘Pu-shih! No, you will see! Is your steed huai-la? Well, it’s just because we have had ones like this at the rear that our cavalry is unbeatable at the front! If there is a horse that is fat and can run, not even Mao Tse-tung can keep him from the front! Only the worn-out dogs we use in our rear. And that’s how it is with everything: guns, food, clothing, horses, mules, camels, sheep—the best go to our Red fighters! If it’s a horse you want, t’ung-chih, go to the front!’


  

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